THIS BOOK IS FROM THE LIBRARY OF Rev. James Leach ^'v.^v. •..»., ■■-, ■■:. t ■• : :- ■- \ HISTORY OF ENGLAND 1603-1642 VOL. X. \ LONDON : PRINTED BY SrOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STREET ly 'h ^ r^ '■■' PREFACE TO THE TENTH VOLUME. I HAVE to apologise for the large number of corrections of which a list is given in the present volume. Some of the mis- prints and errors I discovered myself; others have been pointed out to me by the kindness of some of my readers. In this matter I have to thank the Rev. T. S. Holmes, of Wookey ; the Rev. S. Wayte, of Clifton ; Mr. Lee Warner, of Rugby ; Mr. AcvvoRTH, of Dulwich College ; and most especially the Rev. J. R. Washbourn, of Gloucester, whose careful and accurate reading has produced by far the largest crop of errata. Trivial misprints, such as the omission of a letter, have not been noticed, as every reader can make such corrections for himself ; but they have been notified to the printers, for altera- tion in case of a fresh issue of the work. I need hardly say that, apart from the feelings aroused in me by the reception accorded to this re-issue, it is with the greatest pleasure that I have brought my labours to an end. The -work of compiling a new and enlarged index has been one of considerable drudgery, though I am sure that I have been right in refusing all offers of assistance. No one but the author vi PREFACE TO of a book can hope to achieve in this department even the negative success of not exasperating those who wish to study his work seriously, and I fear that even the author is unhkely ahvays to find that hope fulfilled. Still greater, however, than the pleasure of bringing drud- gery to an end, is that of being able to break new ground again. When, a'year ago, the demand for this edition called me off from the work of writing the history of the Civil War, I had reached as far as the preparations for the siege of Read- ing in April 1643, and I shall be glad to take up the interrupted thread. The time spent upon reviewing old work has, however, I trust, not been wholly lost. Especially in the early volumes something has been done to assimilate new information to the old, and to correct or tone down crude reflections. Imperfect as every attempt of this kind must be, from the impossibility of absolutely recasting the original work, what I have to offer is, perhaps, not quite so imperfect as it was, though I have become aware of a certain want of artistic proportion in the book as a whole, and can perceive that some incidents have been treated of at greater length than they deserve. Something too has been gained by the opportunity afforded me for reconsidering the whole ground on which I have taken my stand. It is impossible to publish ten volumes of history without being led to face the question whether the knowledge acquired by the historian has any practical bearing on the pro- blems of existing society — whether, in short, if, as has been said, history is the politics of the past, the historian is likely to be able to give better advice than other people on the politics of the present. It does not indeed follow that if the reply to this question were in the negative, the labour of the historian would be wholly thrown away. All intellectual conception of nature is a THE TEXTII VOLUME. vii good in itself, as enlarging and fortifying the mind, which is thereby rendered more capable of dealing with problems of life and conduct, though there may be no evident connection be- tween them and the subject of study. Still, it must be acknow- ledged that there would be cause for disappointment if it could be shown that the study of the social and political life of men of a past age had no bearing whatever on the social and politi- cal life of the present. At first sight indeed it might seem as if this were the case. Certainly the politics of the seventeenth century, when studied for the mere sake of understanding them, assume a very dif- ferent appearance from that which they had in the eyes of men who, like Macaulay and Forster, regarded them through the medium of their own political struggles. Eliot and Strafford were neither Whigs nor Tories, Liberals nor Conservatives. As Professor Seeley w^as, I believe, the first to teach directly, though the lesson is indirectly involved in every line written by Ranke, the father of modern historical research, the way in which Macaulay and Forster regarded the development of the past — that is to say, the constant avowed or unavowed com- parison of it with the present — is altogether destructive of real historical knowledge. Yet those who take the truer view, and seek to trace the growth of political principles, may perhaps find themselves cut off from the present, and may regret that they are launched on questions so unfamiliar to themselves and their contemporaries. Hence may easily arise a dissatisfaction with the study of distant epochs, and a resolution to attend mainly to the most recent periods— to neglect, that is to say, the scientific study of history as a whole, through over-eagerness to make a practical application of its teaching. Great, however, as the temptation may be, it would be most unwise to yield to it. It would be invidious to ask whether the counsel given by historians to statesmen has always been viii PREFACE TO peculiarly wise, or their predictions peculiarly felicitous. It is enough to say that their mode of approaching facts is different from that of a statesman, and that they will always therefore be at a disadvantage in meddling with current politics. The statesman uses his imagination to predict the result of changes to be produced in the actually existing state of society, either by the natural forces which govern it, or by his own action. The historian uses his imagination in tracing out the causes which produced that existing state of society. As is always the case, habit gives to the intelligence of the two classes of men a peculiar ply which renders each comparatively inefficient for the purposes of the other. Where they meet is in the effort to reach a full comprehension of existing facts. So far as the understanding of existing facts is increased by a knowledge of the causes of their existence, or so far as the misunder- standing of them is diminished by clearing away false analogies supposed to be found in the past, the historian can be directly serviceable to the statesman. He cannot expect to do more. ' Nur ein Theil der Kunst kann gelehrt werden, der Kiinstler braucht sie ganz.' The more of a student he is — and no one can be a historian without being a very devoted student — the more he is removed from that intimate contact with men of all classes and of all modes of thought, from which the statesman derives by far the greater part of that knowledge of mankind which enables him to give useful play to his imaginative power for their benefit. If, however, the direct service to be rendered by the historian to the statesman is but slight, it is, I believe, impossible to over-estimate the indirect assistance which he can offer. If the aims and objects of men at different periods are different, the laws inherent in human society are the same. In the nine- teenth, as w^ell as in the seventeenth century, existing evils are slowly felt, and still more slowly remedied. In the nineteenth THE TENTH VOLUME. ix as well as in the seventeenth century, efforts to discover the true remedy end for a long time in failure, or at least in very partial success, till at last the true remedy appears almost by accident and takes root, because it alone will give relief. He, therefore, who studies the society of the past will be of the greater service to the society of the present in proportion as he leaves it out of account. If the exceptional statesman can get on without much help from the historian, the historian can contribute much to the arousing of a statesmanlike temper in the happily increasing mass of educated persons without whose support the statesman is powerless. He can teach them to regard society as ever evolving new wants and new diseases, and therefore requiring new remedies. He can teach them that true tolerance of mistakes and follies which is perfectly consistent with an ardent love of truth and wisdom. He can teach them to be hopeful of the future, because the evil of the present evolves a demand for a remedy which sooner or later is discovered by the intelligence of mankind, though it may sometimes happen that the whole existing organisation of society is overthrown in the process. He can teach them also not to be too sanguine of the future, because each remedy brings with it fresh evils which have in their turn to be faced. These, it may be said, are old and commonplace lessons enough. It may be so, but the world has not yet become so wise as to be able to dispense with them. A further question may arise as to the mode in which this teaching shall be conveyed. Shall a writer lay down the results at which he has arrived and sketch out the laws which he con- ceives to have governed the course of society ; or shall he, without forgetting these, make himself familiar, and strive to make .his readers familiar, with the men and women in whose lives these laws are to be discerned ? Either course is pro- fitable, but it is the latter that I have chosen. As there is a X PREFACE TO THE TENTH VOLUME. danger of converting our knowledge either of past or present society into a collection of anecdotes, there is also a danger of regarding society as governed by external forces, and not by forces evolved out of itself. The statesman of the present wants perpetually to be reminded that he has to deal with actual men and women. Unless he sympathises with them and with their ideas, he will never be able to help them, and in like manner a historian who regards the laws of human progress in the same way that he would regard the laws of mechanics, misses, in my opinion, the highest inspiration for his work. Unless the historian can feel an affectionate as well as an intelligent interest in the personages with whom he deals, he wall hardly discover the key to the movements of the society of which they formed a part. The statesman, too, will be none the worse if, in studying the past, he is reminded that his predecessors had to deal with actual men and women in their complex nature, and if thereby he learns that pity for the human race which was the inspiring thought of the Ncai Atlantis., and which is the source of all true and noble effort. That my own work falls far short of the ideal which I have set before myself, none of my readers can be so conscious as I am myself. Whatever it may be worth, it is the best that I have to offer. Samuel R. Gardiner. South View, Bromley, Kent. CONTENTS OF THE TENTH VOLUME. CHAPTER C. THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. 1641 Proceedings of the Com- mons after the King's de- parture . . . I A Committee of Defence named . . .2 England left without a go- vernment . . 3 The first ParUamentary or- dinance . . . 4 The King arrives at Edin- burgh . . . s Disbandment of the armies 6 Charles negotiates with the Irish Catholics . . 7 Possibility of a reaction in England. . . 9 End of unanimity in the Commons . . . 10 Causes of the division . 11 The Commons' resolutions on ecclesiastical innova- tions . . . 14 The Lords' amendments . 15 Order of the Lords that service be performed ac- cording to law . . 16 Antagonism between the two Houses . . 17 Adjournment of the Houses 18 Charles at Edinburgh . 18 Dispute about the appoint- ment of officers in Scot- land . . . . 19 Disappointment of Charles 20 Scottish feuds . . 21 Charles angry with Hamil- ton . . . . Project of arresting Argylc and Hamilton . Flight of Argyle, Hamil- ton, and Lanark Struggle between Charles and the Parliament Charles's intentions with regard to the English leaders He attempts to gain a party in England Growth of fanaticism . Rising feeling against the sects Parliament reassembles . The Episcopalian party be- comes a Royalist party . The permanent work of the Long Parliament ende4 Voices raised for toleration Brooke's Discourse on Episcopacy . The second Bishops' Ex- clusion Bill Opposition to Pym The King's manifesto The fundamental condi- tions of government mis- understood . Promotions to the vacant bishoprics plots aind intrigues 26 27 23 29 30 32 32 34 35 35 37 38 39 40 41 42 Xll CONTENTS OF CHAPTER CI. THE IRISH REBELLION AND THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE. 1641 Retrospect of the Ulster plantation . The projected plantation of Connaught Rule of the Lords Justices I'oleration for the Catholic religion asked for The Church question and the Land question Leaders of the Irish pea- sants Alarm in Ireland . Proposal to seize Dublin Castle The plot betrayed . Weakness of the English army Dublin saved Beginning of the Ulster rebellion Votes of the English Par- liament . Pym's additional instruc tion . . . Revolutionary character of his proposal Necessity of his action The Grand Remonstrance taken up 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 S3 54 55 57 58 59 PAGE Its list of grievances . . 60 Its plan of Church re- form . . .62 The demand for a respon- sible Ministry . . 63 Slaughter of Protestants in Ulster . . . 64 The fugitives from Beltur- bet . . . 66 Further outrages . . 67 Reception of the news at Westminster . . 69 Proposal to send relief to Ireland . . . 69 The City declares for Pym 70 Progress of the Remon- strance . . -71 The supposed Popish Plot 72 Evidence of the second Army Plot . • • 73 Preparations for the final debate on the Grand Re- monstrance . . 74 A long debate . • ■ 75 The Remonstrance passed 76 Tumultuous scene. . 77 Significanceof the Remon- strance . • • 79 CHAPTER CII. BALANCED FORCES. 1641 Charles's surrender in Scot- land His intentions . He hopes to gain the City of London His entry into London Dispute over the Parlia- mentary guard . Suspicions that some mem- bers were to be charged with treason The Remonstrance taken to the King Charles's passive resist- ance . . . 80 8r 82 84 86 87 89 Constitutional questions raised Bearing of the Irish rebel- lion on English politics . Alleged understanding be- tween Charles and the rebels Warning conveyed by the Commons to the Peers . The Impressment Bill The first Militia Bill Progress of the Irish rebel- lion . . . . Declaration of the Com- mons against toleration . 90 91 92 94 95 95 96 97 THE TEXTIl VOLUME. xni PAGE The King's proclamation on religion . . . 98 He demands modifications in the Impressment liill. 99 The Remonstrance printed 100 A petition for a National Synod . . .101 Right of protestation re- pa(;e fused to members of the Commons . . . 102 Further discussions on the Impressment Rill . 103 Puritans and Episcopa- lians . . . . 104 Separatist congregations in London . . . 105 CHAPTER cm. THE ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. 1641 The King's intentions. . 107 The new Common Council 107 The King appoints Luns- ford Lieutenant of the Tower and replies to the Remonstrance . . 108 Displeasure of the Com- mons . . . no Newport asked to take charge of the Tower . in Lunsford dismissed — Dis- couraging news from Ireland . . . 112 Terms offered by the Irish Catholic Peers . • 113 Sir Charles Coote at Clon- tarf . . . . 114 The Lords of the Pale join the Ulster rebels . 115 The rebellion spreads to Munster . . . 115 Charge brought against Bristol . . .116 Riots at Westminster . . 117 Most of the bishops absent themselves from Parlia- ment . . . 118 Digby moves that Parlia- ment is not free . .119 Charles gives a dinner to the officers . . 120 Cavaliers and Roundheads 121 Charles sets a guard at Whitehall . . . 122 The protest of the bishops 122 The Lords side with the Commons . . 123 Civil war feared . . 124 Impeachment of the bi- shops . . • 125 Attempt of the Peers to mediate . , , 126 127 1642 Culpepper and Falkland in office Alleged intention of the Parliamentary leaders to impeach the Queen . . 128 The charge against the five members . . 129 The five members im- peached . . . 130 Hesitation of the Lords . 131 The Commons appeal to the City . . . 132 The arrest of the members demanded . . 132 Charles prepares to use force . . . 133 The secret betrayed . 135 Armed men at Whitehall . 136 The King sets out from Whiteliall . . 137 Escape of the five mem- bers . . . . 138 Charles enters the House of Commons . • 139 He leaves the House , . 141 Charles in the City. . 142 The Committee at Guild- hall . . . . 143 The legal question dis- cussed . . . 144 Impossibility of a compro- mise. . . . 145 Panic in the City . . 147 The Commons guarded by the citizens . . . 148 Charles is anxious for the Queen's safety . . 149 The King and Queen leave Whitehall . . . 150 Triumphant return of the Commons to Westmin- ster , . .1^1 XIV CONTENTS OF CHAPTER CIV. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. 1642 The King's plans for the occupation of Hull Hotham ordered by Par- liament to occupy Hull . Digby and Lunsford at Kingston Parliament resolves that the country must defend itself The King hopes to gain possession of Ports- mouth Heenvliet's mediation The King's overtures to Parliament . The Commons demand the fortresses and the militia Resistance of the Lords . The militia ordinance The artificers' petition The Lords agree with the Commons to ask for the fortresses and the militia The Bishops' Exclusion Bill passes the Lords . The King's vexation . The Lords - Lieutenants named by Parliament . PAGE 154 155 156 157 159 160 160 161 162 163 163 164 165 The Royal assent given to the Bishops' Exclusion Bill . . . . Digby's intercepted letter . The Queen leaves England Hyde's constitutional views Charles's plans The King asked to remain near Westminster . The kingdom to be put in a posture of defence Charles refuses to abandon the militia . Confiscation of Irish land The siege of Drogheda The misery of Ireland The Commons claim su- preme power for Parlia- ment Danger from foreign forces The Queen's designs . Charles at York The Kentish Petition Milton's argument on ec- clesiastical jurisdiction . The rival schemes for the settlement of the Church 166 167 168 169 170 171 171 172 173 174 175 177 177 178 179 180 182 CHAPTER CV. THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. 1642 Parliament no longer re- presents the nation Warlike preparations . The declaration of the Houses on Church re- form The King announces his intention of going to Ire- land, and offers a Militia Bill of his own The Queen hopes for help from the Dutch and from Denmark She urges Charles to seize Hull. . . . Charles -appeals to the law 184 184 186 186 187 189 189 The King's Militia Bill in the Commons . Hotham refuses to admit the King into Hull . Currents of opinion in Yorkshire Scotland refuses to help the King Military preparations The Nmeteen Propositions The meeting on Heyworth Moor Sovereignty claimed by Parliament Ordinance for bringing in plate, money, and horses 191 192 193 194 195 196 199 200 201 THE TENTH VOLUME. XV The King's commissions of array . Scotland again refuses to help the King . Charles is disappointed of help from abroad The King and the Peers with him protest that they do not intend war . Henry Hastings in Leices- tershire Occupation of Newcastle . Munificence of the Her- berts Parliamentary troops or- dered to Leicestershire . The fleet lost to the King. A Parliamentary army to be raised PAGE 202 203 203 204 205 206 207 208 208 209 Fresh Royalist movements Essex appointed General . Digby's intrigue with Hotham The King's second failure to occupy Hull His answer to the Petition of the Houses for an ac- commodation The first blood shed The declaration of Parlia- ment of its reasons for taking up arms . Active preparations on both sides . The King summons Cov- entry The Royal Standard raised at Nottingham PAGE 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 218 219 APPENDIX. L Financial Tables 221 IL Cases of Ministers suspended or deprived by the Court OF High Commission, February 18, 1634, to May 19, 1636 . 224 INDEX 227 MAP. Parliamentary Map of England To face Title-page ERRATA. VOL. I. Page SI, last line of note, ^r i. read I. ., loS, line i, y<;>- Lord Thomas Howard rcrto' Lord Howard of Walden. ,, 199, ,, 30, for Cranborne (or in some copies, ' Cecil ') read the writer. ,, 217, ,, •; from end of text, 7^r Salisbury >-(■«i 339, y^*" conviction read plea of Not Guilty. ,, 381, last line of text, for 1612 read i6i6. VOL. III. Page vl, for Saintsbury retid Sainsbury. ,, viii, at p. 77, for Ellesmere read Brackley. Page 75, line 7, for Buckingham read Villiers. „ 33, note 2, for 394 read 393. „ 38, line 15, _/&>• junto ?rrtrf junta. „ 60 ,, 9 of note, yor attraction ?Yaa' attractive, and /«i^r/ so ^^?Y to do. ,, 76, second side-note, and line 3 from end of text, for Ellesmere read Brackley. „ io6, line 16, after Digby read who had recently been raised to the peerage, as Lord Digby of Sherborne. ,, 137, note 3, last line but one, _/&r July 27 read ]u\y 28. „ 158, lines 3 and 4, for the audacious .... her name read her connection with the romantic adventures of Captain Smith, the name of Pocahontas ; line 6, for He was at this time .... his captor > f^K/ The touching storj' of the pardon granted to the captive Englishman through the intercession of the daughter of the Indian chief who was about to sacrifice him, won its way into all hearts, and has, for two centuries and a half, charmed readers of all ages. At one time, the criticism which has swept away so many legends seemed to have doomed the stor>- of Smith and Pocahontas to the fate which has be- fallen so many legends. Later inquiry has, however, turned the scale in favour of Smith's veracity, and it seems possible that in this case, at least, the critical historian may accept the tale which is embalmed in the popular imagination. Note 2, for No doubt .... arguments read Mr. Deane's arguments are strongly put against the truth of the storj'. Professor Arber, however, who is at present editing the various narratives of Smith's adven- tures, and who has minutely examined such of his statements as are capable of verification, takes a verj' favourable view of Smith's veracity. ,, 319, first line of note, for Dec. 2 read Dec. 9. „ 351, note 3,yor June 17 read June 27. ,, 364, note, line 5, delete o before Spinola. ,, 383, line 12, for g'lunt mountains read Gia.nt Mountains. VOL. IV. Page 4, note 2, for 5 & 6 Ed. VI. cap. 25 read Proceedings and Debatei, i. 65. ,, 32, ,, I, line 4 from bottom, after feet insert ' ,, 87, line 7 of note, delete , after qu'il. ,, 144, ,, 18, after Church insert ? )i 154. II 3 from bottom of text, for were rcarf where. ,, 190, note 2,for\o\. I. p. 351 read\o\. III. p. 377. ,, 214, line 20, for Deux Fonts read Zweibrlicken. ,, 264, ,, 4, for Plantaganet read Plantagenet. ,, 300, note 3, for 1621 read 1622. )i .305. line it>, for XrgyW read Argyle. ,, 312, note 3, for April 26 read April 25. „ 362, line 2, for Burroughs read Borough. ,, 328, ,, 2 from end of text, for Comte read Comt^. 1) 4071 )i 16, yo/' unrepentent r^dk^ unrepentant. VOL. X. a xviii ERRA TA. VOL. V. Page 13, note 3, last line but one, Jbr Feb. 20 read Feb. 19. _, SI, „ 2, line 4, /or May 8 read May 28. ,, 58, 4 lines from end of text, for than read as. ,, 67, last line of note, /br oro read loro. ,, 74, line 3 from bottom of text, /br Burroughs read Borough „ 78, ,, 24, insert the be/ore Republic. ,, 88, note 3, /or Sept. 20 read Sept. 30. „ 138, line 28, /or together read altogether. ,, 143, ist side-note, delete . ; 2nd side-note, /or Receive read receives. ,, 174, line 5 from end of text, /or imprudently read impudently. ,, 215, ,, 8 from bottom, /or golden read proud. ,, 218, ,, 8, yo?- been for some years English ambassador in France r^a^^ returned to France as ambassador after the death of Luynes. „ 247, ,, I, y&r Patrick rfa^/ James. „ 256, ,, 2;}, /or We'll read We. ,, 263, 2nd side-note, /or Suppression read Suspension. ,, 296, line 3 of note i, /or mutuo read mutua. ,, 328, „ 4 of note I, /or May 22 read May 23. II 352i ,> 3 of note i, a/ter discesserit insert , 11 3631 11 2 of note, ior Camden re2LdL Faivsley. II 395i II I of note, yor depositons r^at/ depositions, ij 399i heading, /or Cases read Case. VOL. VI. Page ix, to p. 108, /or The read He. ,, II, line 25, /or Salle read Sallee. ,, 15, ,, 6 from end of text, and p. 16, line 3 from end of text, 70?- Wimbledon ifi^iirf Cecil. ,, 28, note 1, /or IV. read V. ,, 33, line 10, /or ebulition read ebullition. ,, 120, ,, z^, a/ter slee-pin% delete ; !i i33i II 7, yo?" Wimbledon >rrt(/ Cecil. ,, 160, „ 12, /or Burgh read Borough. ,, 174, ist line of note, /or Aug. 21 read Aug. i ; and /or calendered read calen- dared. ,, 176, line 17, /or beseiged read besieged. ,, 181, ,, 4, ybr Burgh rt-arf Borough. ,, 182, „ I of note I, /or 57 read 157. ,, 220, ,, 9, /or that read than. ,, 230, note I, /or 170 read 204. ,, 269, add at the end of note i. See p. 237. ,, 273, line I, /or Littleton read Lyttelton. ,, 285, „ 2 of note I, insert is at the end o/the line. II 373i note ^-i f"^ Dec. 20 read Dec. 30. VOL. VIL Page ix, opposite p. 144, /or Sion's read Sion's. ,, X, opposite p. 196, /or receives Gustavus's demands read meets Gustavus with counter-propositions. „ 5, end of note 2, /or . read ? ,, 10, line 21, a/ter In it insert as in the Catholic manuals on which it was founded. „ 18, „ 3 from end of text, yor councillor rta^ counsellor. ERRATA. \\K Page 21, line \\, before unity insert the; line 15, /or upon the advice nvir/with the advice; lines 17 and \<), for which .... unto read (which .... unto) ; line 8 from end of te.xt, itisert the be/ore Injunctions. ,, 22, ,, 4, yor to /t'arf unto. >) 32, >, i9i /"■ Littleton ;varfLyttelton. „ 45. .. J. «/''■'■ England rt'a«' with the exception of the so-called Chapel of St. Joseph at Glastonbury ; line 7, for were read where. .) 55i 11 26, yiir contravert rfa> 23. for voices read voice ; line i of note 2, /»- three read two. ,, 104, ,, 13, before to offer insert " ). i07> » 3 from end of text, for imperturable read imperturbable. ,, 113, ,, 4 of note 4, for getatto read gettato. ,, 118, ,, 20, yj)/- Whitelock rt-rt^^ Whitelocke. ,, 113, note 4, after v. insert 4. ,, 150, ,, i,/>r Leigton rfflrt' Leighton. ,, 159, line 29, for were read was. ,, 162, note ■I, for \Yv. read yCx'x.. » 190. „ I- and p. 222, line 13 from bottom, and side-note and heading of p. 223, for Simonds read Symonds. ,, 221, second side-note, for Littleton read Lyttelton. ,, 225, note 2, for Page read Mon. of Man, p. >. 315) >> 2, for 11. read I. „ 322, line 22, for wasordered read was ordered. 1. 366, ,, 9, y&r Littleton rmrf Lyttelton. )> 38?) 1. 5 from bottom, /)r could not be the same as it was read wan seriously affected by his miscalculation. VOL. VIII. Page viii, to p. 86, for Forest read Forests. „ 2, line 3 from bottom of note, ./or ut . . . . abligantur read et .... ablegantur. ,, 15, last line of text, for prayer read song. ,, 52, line 5, for 14 read 15. ,, 97, note 2, for Aug. ~ read Aug. — .. ,, 115, line 2 of note I, rff/i!/i II, yt'r Dalzeil ?va(/ Dalzell. ,, 63, ,, 21, _/(!/- Wiemar ri'ao' Weimar. ,, 82, „ 19, delete and Legate ; for were rearf was ; line 20, for i5ii ^ra;/ 1612 ; a the end of note 2, add .See Vol. II. 130. ,, 88, ,, 10, _/2j>- Rosetti rcarf Rossetti. 1, 92, ,1 3 from end of te.xt, and p. 94, line 21, for Ettrick read Ruthven. ,, 116, ,, II, delete , after {ores. !>' 136, ,, I of note 2, y^r May 26 ri'rt:;/ May 28. ,, 148, „ 18, and fourth side-note, for Ettrick i-cad Ruthven. ,, 154, ,, 2 from end of note 2, for credessi read credesi, and last line, for aparec chio read apparecchio. ,, 162, at the end of note i, for 262 read 262 ; 279, note i. ,, 179, line 4, for Scrope read Saye. ,, 182, last line of text but one, /or that 7vad than. „ 1S9, line 17, for subtily read subtility. ,, 245, „ 15, _/&r statue r 3 from bottom, for opposite read opposite. 105, 3rd side-note, delete Dec. 20 and substitjite Barebone in custody. 129, date at heading, for 1621 7-ead 1622. 130, line 28, for ! read . 133) J! 28, yo?- council r^arf counsel. i35i )i 7 of note 2, for ! read . ; line 22 of note 2, for 4th read 5th : line 27 nf note 2, for may be remembered read is to the point. 138, line I, for upon read out. 140, ,, 20, after spealk delete , 143, ,, 28, T^r case ?Ya^ cause. 153, note 2, line 6, for Danos read Danois ; line 8, delete — at the end of the line. i55i ). 2, line i,forL. J. ii. read L. J. iv. 178, line 5 of note, for cio read c\h. 182, ,, 2 of note 2, after rimettersi, for ; read , 190, ,, ■], before 2.r\d. exiwy hisert , 205, ,, 6 from end of te.xt, for Huntington read Huntingdon. 207, note 2, for Dirck's read Dircks's. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAPTER C. THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. As the first result of the King's departure the Root-and-Branch Bill was tacitly dropped. • It was no time to rouse party feel- 1641. ing) ^i^d there was no hope that, even if the Bill Aug. 10. could be got through the Lords, it would receive the and-Branch Royal asscnt. The energies of the Houses were dropped. directed to the provision of money, in order that Aug. 12. both armies might be got rid of as soon as possible. The armies j^ Y\sid been arranged that the Scots were to receive to be got riQ ° °^- 80,000/. of che Brotherly Assistance immediately, and that on August 25 they should cross the Tweed. September 7 was set apart as a day of public thanksgiving for the conclusion of peace. ^ Parliament was anxious to keep the Scots in good humour. It was also anxious to keep a watch on the movements of the King. It was resolved that Parliamentary Com- ary Com- missloncrs should follow him to Scotland, nominally "t'tendThe '° to sce to the execution of the treaty, but in reality ^'"°' to see that Charles was not playing tricks. So sus- paTdo'n'put picious werc the Commons that they took no notice '''"''^' of the King's offer to issue a general pardon. They were afraid lest it might be interpreted as shielding Unch and ' On the I2th there was an order to go into committee on it on the 16th, but it was not acted on. ^ C. J. ii. 253. VOL. X. B 3 2 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. Windebank, Percy and Jermyn, from the merited punishment which would fall on them if they returned to England.^ They rather determined to deter the officers in the North from join- ing the King in any fresh scheme of violence, by declaring Suckling, Percy, and Jermyn to have been guilty of treason. - They again directed the preparation of the Remonstrance of the state of the Church and Kingdom. They would appeal to the people against the King. Nothing, however, was done in this direction for the present. Perhaps it was felt that the time needed more active measures. On the 13th Captain "°' '''■ Chudleigh, who had served as intermediary between Suckling and the troops in the first Army Plot, was examined at length, and deposed that he had been informed that a thousand horse were to be maintained by the clergy in support of the design. 3 That such a plan should have been talked of in March was enough to increase the alarm of those who ^^^ ^^^ heard of it in August. On the 14th a committee — A Committee the Committee of Defence, as it was called — was e ence. j^ppQ^^j-ed to dircct the attention of the Lords to the state of the Tower and other fortresses, ' and to take into con- sideration what power will be fit to be placed, and in what per- sons, for commanding of the trained bands and ammunition of the kingdom.' The future Militia Bill was already fore- shadowed in these terms of reference. Falkland and Culpepper sat on this committee by the side of Pym and the younger Vane. There was an Episcopalian party in the House, but there was no Royalist party as yet.* All ears were open for tidings from the North. Some Holland in wceks beforc, Holland had been appointed Lord the North. General in Northumberland's room, and had been sent down to Yorkshire to take measures for the disbandment of the army. It has been said that he was out of temper with ' Giustinian to the Doge, Aug. ^^, Ven. Transcripts. L. J. iv. 365. ^ Moore's Diary, Harl. MSS. cccclxxix. fol. 148 b. ' Bishop Hall denies that the clergy had any such project ; but it does not follow that it was not suggested by Suckling or Jermyn. — Letter to W. W. (E. 158). ■» C. J. ii. 257. 1 64 1 A GOVERNMENT NEEDED. 3 the Court in consequence of the refusal of the King to grant him the nomination of a new baron, which would have placed a few thousand pounds in his pocket.' On the iCth an enig- Aug. 16 niatical letter written by him to Essex, in which the Reading of a existcucc of danger was not obscurely hinted at, was him. read in both Houses.^ The immediate result was a Report from report from the Committee of Defence, recommend- the Com- • i / i • i i i i mittee of mg that somc authority should be given to some ^ ^"*^^* person, in the absence of the King, to put the king- dom in a state of defence.' Charles, in short, hqd left England without a recognised Government. The Elector Palatine, Lennox, and Hamilton jj ^ had alone accompanied him on his journey. The ment in Privy Council, with all its varied elements, had none of Charles's confidence, and was utterly incapable of acting with decision in any one direction. A body of com- missioners, indeed, had a limited authority to pass certain Bills, but there was not even a Secretary of State to carry out the King's orders, as Vane joined the King in Scotland not long after his arrival. One of the clerks of the Council, Edward Nicholas, a diligent and faithful servant, remained behind, with orders to forward news to Edinburgh, and to carry out any instructions that he might receive ; but he was in no position to command authority. The Queen, having conducted her mother to the sea-coast on her way to the Continent, had returned to Oadands, angrily brooding over her fallen fortunes. She declared that, unless times changed, she would remain in England no longer.^ Before the end of the day on which Holland's that Pariia- letter was read, a suggestion was made in the House bs^ue ordi- of Commons, which led to a far more daring inno- nances. yatiou on established usage than anything that had yet been done. A difficulty had arisen in procuring formal authority for the Parliamentary Commissioners who were to ' Clarendon, iv. 2. " The Lord 0/ Holland's Letter from York, 1621, 100^:39. ^ Giuslinian to the Doge, Aug. ^-, Ven. Transcripts, R. O. 20 30' B 2 4 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. proceed to Edinburgh nominally to treat with the Scottish Par- liament. The Lord Keeper was asked to pass their commission under the Great Seal. This Lyttelton positively refused to do without directions from the King. A proposal was made to order him to do it. D'Ewes — who earJier in the session had discovered that, though it was immoral and irreligious to pay in- terest, it was perfectly innocuous to pay damages — now informed the Commons that, though the Houses could not make the order which was proposed, ' an ordinance of the two Houses in Parliament ' had always been of great authority ; and he then cited from the Rolls of Parliament an ordinance of the year 1373.^ It is true that the citation had no bearing whatever on the point in question, as the ordinance of 1373 had been made by the King, though it had been announced to Parliament in answer to a petition of the Commons. ^ The House caught at the idea, and the first ordinance of the Long Parliament was sent up to the Lords. On the 20th the Lords adopted it. From henceforth the term Aug. 20. . ^ The first ' Ordinance " would be taken to signify, not, as it had or inance. (jgj^g \y^ -^^ Middle Ages, a declaration made by the King without the necessary concurrence of Parhament, but a declaration of the two Houses without the necessary con- currence of the King.^ As far as this first ordinance was concerned, the assumption of authority by Parliament was not very outrageous. It con- iwcharac- veycd to Bedford and Howard of Escrick, in the '^'■- name of the Lords, to Fiennes, Armyn, Stapleton, and Hampden, in the name of the Commons, authority to attend his Majesty in Scotland, in order to present to him the humble desires of the two Houses according to certain annexed instructions. Parliament did no more than appoint a com- * D'Evves's Diaiy, Ha7-l. Jl/SS. clxiv. fol. 32 b. - It was ' faite en mesme le Parlement,' which perhaps led D'Ewes astray, but it was on the petition of the Commons, and the last clause begins ' Mes voet le Roi.' — /^o//s of Pari. ii. 310. ' Professor St,ubbs, to whom I naturally applied on the subject, informs me that he is unable to recollect any case in the Middle Ages in which ordinances were made by the two Houses without the Royal authority. i64i - CHARLES IN SCOTLAND. 5 mittee to reside in Scotland, instead of appointing one to meet at Westminster ; but the idea that the Houses could act alone, when it had once been thrown before the world was certain to gather strength. It would not be long before the House would grasp the reins of executive government which the King had dropped in his pursuit of military support.' Practically, indeed, this had been already done. The Houses shrank from order ing the Lord Keeper to set the Great Seal to a commission, . but they had not shrunk from ordering Holland to Hull to be secure Hull and that store of munitions which had secured, j,^^^^ gathered there to supply the army in the last Aug. 18. ^^^^ Qj. {^^y^y^ ordering Newport, the Constable of the and the ' or' Tower. Tower, to take up his residence in that fortress, and to see that it was safely guarded.^ That these measures were taken against the King there can be no reasonable doubt. They were the same in kind as those which brought about the Civil War in the following year. Yet they passed both Houses without the faintest opposition. The excited feeling of apprehension which had given birth to these measures, did not last long. It was soon known that the King had passed through both armies without causing any stir amongst them. At Newcastle he had been mag- The King at nificcntly entertained by the Scottish commanders, Newcastle. -^^^ rcviewcd their troops and had expressed his high satisfaction at their military bearing. To Leslie he was especi- ally courteous, and he promised an earldom to the rough soldier of fortune.^ It was not on an immediate military revolt that Charles was calculating. He knew that he must satisfy the Scottish Parliament before those sturdy peasants would draw sword in his cause. On the 14th Charles rode into Edinburgh. On his first visit to the Parliament he offered to touch with the scep- He arrives trc, and SO to convert into law, all the Acts which he bur^h!"" had so long resisted, and was somewhat disappointed to 'find that at least a show of more mature consideration was > L. J. iv. 372. - Ibid. 367, 369. » Vane to Nicholas, Aug. 14, Nicholas MSS. 6 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. Q. required by formality. ' Before many days passed he was allowed to perform this part of his work with as cheerful a Aug. 17. * '■ Ratifies the countenance as he was able to assume. Now that the Scots had all that they wanted, he might expect something from them in return. One man, on whom he had . ^ counted, was no longer able to render him any aid. Death of^ Rothes_died in England on the 23rd.^ Still Charles wrote to the Queen in high spirits. Everything ap- oi"°Charier peared to him to be going well. Leslie's professions of service had been all that could be desired.^ For the first time in his life Charles laid himself out to win the affections of the people. He diligently attended the Presby- terian service, and listened without wincing to Presbyterian sermons. Henderson was as constantly at his side as Laud had been in the days of his power.'' It was much in Charles's favour that his coming had been coincident with the termination of mihtary effort. "This kingdom," wrote Vane, "speaks of nothing with so much heartiness as of the blessedness of this peace and of the joy and comfort thereof ! " The English ,. , army was at last slowly disbanding — as quickly, at The Enghsh •' . , o • 1 army begins least, as money could be furnished. The Scottish up. ^^^ broke up from Durham and Newcastle. On Sept. 25. the 25th Leslie re-crossed the Tweed. The northern counties were glad to see the last of the hungry strangers, who had quartered themselves on them so long. The Scots, too, were glad to be on the tramp for home. It was, indeed, pro- posed that a force of 4,000 foot and 500 horse should be kept under arms till the English troops were entirely paid off, and Charie.s's Charlcs found grounds for believing that a still larger mifitar°^ forcc would be placed at his disposal. He wrote to assistance, thg Quecn that the Scots had resolved to maintain in his service 5,000 foot and 1,000 horse, to be used wherever he ' The Elector Palatine to the Queen of Bohemia, Aug. 17, Forster MSS. * Nicholas to Vane, Aug. 24, Nicholas MSS. ' Giustinian to the Doge, - "^" ^''. Vcn. Transcripts, R. 0. •• Vane to Nicholas, Aug. 23, Nicholas MSS. 1 64 1 CHARLES TURNS TO THE IRISH 7 wished, and against any enemies that he might choose. If these were not enough he should have more. Charles added that he had gained over, by assurances of office and promotion, those who had been his bitterest enemies. " This," he wrote, " will be enough to dispose them to support my interests with all their power, and to make them dej^end on me without exception."' Charles's hope of support from the Scottish Presbyterians was accompanied by a continuance of his hope of support from the ^, , , Irish Catholics. Twice had messengers crossed the Charles s . . • .^ i negotiations sca With communications from the Kmg to Ormond Irish Catho- and Antrim, the one of them a Protestant royalist of "^''" Strafford's school, the other a weak and inefficient Catholic peer. These two were to gather into one body the Irish army which was being disbanded, and to seize Dublin Castle in the King's name by the authority of the Irish Parliament, in order to make it a basis of operations against the Parliament at Westminster. The Irish Catholics, it was hoped, would be easily won to the royal cause by the grant of religious liberty.^ ' The King's letters to the Queen have been lost, but Giustinian re- ports of this one that it stated that the men were to be offered to Charles ' da valersene dove e contro chi trovera piii aggiustare la propria conve- nienza con una generale eshibitione in appresso di prontamente som- ministrarle quel numero di gente maggiore che I'occasione ricercasse.' — Giustinian to the Doge, -"^' ^A Veii. Transcripts, R. 0. Giustinian was on good terms with the Queen. - The evidence for this has hitherto been a statement made by Antrim in 1650, printed in Cox, Hibcrnia Angluana. App. xlix. The King is there said to have sent two messages : the one whilst the Irish Parliament was sitting, that is to say, between May 11 and Aug. 7 ; the second when he was at York, or about Aug. 12. The chief difficulty in accepting the story has been the occurrence of Ormond's name in it. There seems, how- ever to have been an impression amongst the Irish after the rebellion that he ought to have been on their side. The author of the Aphorismical Discovery (i. 12) says that ' my Lord of Ormond, though then a Protestant, was one of seventy-eight persons sworn to secure each his town or fort,' and he afterwards (ii. 21) speaks of him as a traitor to the Irish cause, ' un- mindful of his sworn covenant, and ungrateful to His Royal Majesty.' It vill be seen that there is evidence of a third message sent from Scotland. Ormond may have been willing to support the King's authority against the 8 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. Of this wonderful scheme Charles's most faithful servants in England knew absolutely nothing. The confidential letters which he received from Nicholas pointed to a very Aug. 23. ^ -' Advice of different course of action. Let the King do all in ic o as. j^-g power to hasten the disbandment of the armies. By this he would make it evident that he had no intention of trusting to the employment of military force. ^ Nicholas under- stood that the only path of safety for Charles lay in gaining the sympathies of his English subjects. Even in England there were symptoms that the tide of feeling, which had been running so strongly against Charles, _ .... ^ , was on the turn. Nothing was generally known of a reaction in the wild projccts which he had carried with him on England. . his northern journey. What was known was that he had passed through both armies without appealing to them for English Puritans, and to accept religious toleration for the Irish Catholics. He never looked favourably on the cruelties exercised on them after the rebellion. As to the negotiation in general, it is placed beyond doubt by Rossetti's survey of the whole affair. The King, he says, had met with universal disobedience in England and Scotland. " L'Hibernia sola pareva che godesse qualche riposo, e per esser numerosa de' Cattolici si mostrava per conseguenza piii fedele a S. M''**. Vedendo dunque il Re lo stato nel quale si trovava, si risolse di far il matrimonio col Principe d' Oranges, di dove sperava haver aiuti di danari, et di gente, con valersi de' Cattolici, de' Protestanti, e di qualunque altro che industriosamente havesse potuto guadagnare al suo partito. Gli fu insinuato che I'Hibernia, come piu Cattolica, e conseguentemente fedele, I'havrebbe ser\'ito, et in caso d'avvantaggio della Reh'gion Cattolica, poteva egli similmente sperare altri aiuti, et all' hora furono introdotti i maneggi della liberta di conscienza, et anco deir istessa sua conversione. Si applico a quella, et a questa si voleva tempo a deliberare. Per tanto si comincio a pensare all' Hibemia, si che sotto altri pretesti, vennero di la deputati, e secretamente si negotio di pennettere a loro la liberta di conscienza, quando fedelmente havessero voluto aderire al partito di S. M'\ Rappresento cio di certo a V. Em^^, perche la Regina degno di dirmelo, e piu volte mi fu affirmato dal Padre Filippo, onde si proseguirono i trattati eon diverse conditioni, parte delle quali non mi sono distintamente note, poiche solo s'appartenevano al Re, cioe di dar loro alcuni magazini e commodita, ma ho ben certezza di questa, che era la permissione della liberta di conscienza." — Rossetti to Barberini, ' Nicholas to the King, Aug. 23, Evelyti's Memoirs, ii. Part ii. 4. 1 64 1 A CHANGE OF FEELIXG. 9 assistance. The natural result was that those of the Parlia- mentary leaders who had learned enough to predict evil were looked on as scared alarmists, who might have been trying to trouble the waters for their own ambitious ends. Other causes came to weigli in the balance against them. Never within the memory of man had the country been called on to bear such a pressure of taxation. Six subsidies had never before been granted in a single session, and after the six subsidies had come the poll-tax, the amount of which would not be far short . , of six subsidies more. The whole may perhaps be Oreat weight of taxation, estimated at somewhere about 800,000/. Payments were slowly and reluctantly made. That mere reluctance to meet taxation which had done so much to support the op- ponents of the King in the days of ship-money, had shifted round to the King's side now. There was a longing for peace, for a cessation of strife at home and abroad. On Aug. 30. The Scots' the 30th it was known in London that the Scots had knmvThf really evacuated the northern counties. The news London. ^y^g recelTcd with a hearty feeling of relief His Majesty, it seemed, had been maligned. He had no intention of leading the Scottish army to dissolve his English Parliament and to enable him to pronounce its past legislation null and void.' Of this change of feeling Charles was unable to take ad- vantage. He was far away, scheming how to use that very violence which would make him most detestable to Effects of , Charles's his subjects. He was not even present to keep up a sence. ^^^^ show of authority which might one day be con- More^ordi- verted into real power. The Houses were accustom- nances. -^^^ themselvcs to the issue of ordinances. On the 24th there was one directing certain counties to send their poll ' As Giustinian puts it, the citizens abandoned their jealousy that the King was trying to persuade the Scots ' a secondare il corso delli gene- rosi proponimenti che universalmente si crede portare nel petto la Maesta sua di scuoter cioe 11 giogo delle nuove leggi, et la continuatione di questo Parlamento in particolare, la qual gli toglie gli ornamenti del comando, et della esistimatione intieramente.' — Giustinian to the Doge, Sept. -- Ven. Transcripts, R. O. lo THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. money direct to the Earl of Holland. On the 27th another appointed a day of thanksgiving for the peace. On Aug. 27. ^Y\Q 20th yet another ordered a general disarmament Aug. 30. ^^ recusants. If Charles's language can be trusted he was more annoyed at the interference of Parliament with a permission which he had given to the Spanish ambassador to The Irish transport abroad 4,000 men of the Irish army, which levies for was at last being broken up. The Commons insisted Spain re- . . i i i i o • fused. that It was unnttmg to lend help to bpam agamst the Portuguese ; and, to keep the balance even, they refused a similar permission to the French ambassador. Two months later they would have been glad enough to know that these trained soldiers were not in Ireland ; but the motive of their refusal, in the face of their own obvious interest, deserves the highest respect.^ By this time a speedy adjournment had become an absolute necessity. The plague and the small-pox were raging in Lon- don and Westminster, and even the most earnest of Aug. 28. An adjourn- members was thoroughly weary of the long and ex- ment voted, ^j^jj^g, .^^qj-^ in which the House had been engaged. Most of the members, indeed, had already gone home without asking leave. About a dozen peers remained to represent the House of Lords, whilst some eighty remained constant to the call of duty in the Commons.^ On the 28th, when all danger appeared to be at an end in the North, it was arranged that the House should adjourn on September 8, to meet again on October 20. The day on which the adjournment was voted was indeed memorable in English history. It was the last time when ^ , , the two parties into which the House of Commons End of una- ■' nimity in the was divided loyally co-operated with one another. Whatever had been done so far by the Long Parlia- ment stood the test of time. The overthrow of the special courts, by which the prerogative had been defended under the Tudors and the first two Stuarts, together with the abandon- > L. J. iv. 381. 2 Giustinian to the Doge, Sept. '^- , Ven. Transcripts, R. 0. 1 64 1 . BEGINNING OF STRIFE. li ment by the King of all claim to raise taxes without the con- sent of Parliament, was accepted as the starting-point of the restored monarchical constitution in 1660. That the King and the Houses must from thenceforward work together, instead of working in antagonism, was the doctrine of Hyde and Falkland as well as of Pym and Hampden. The theory of Strafford, that in cases of necessity, of the existence of which the King was the sole judge, he could act in defiance of Parhament, was Beginning of without a siuglc supportcr. Yet from that moment stnie. Qf apparent unanimity dated the beginning of em- bittered strife. The war of tongues which ensued preceded but for a few short months the war of the sword. Laboriously, in the face of an angry and compact Opposition, the victorious party strove to embody its views in institutions which would last. It was all in vain. The ropes twisted of sand which were to bind the English people dropped into nothingness before the general resistance. Naturally historians have wearied themselves to find the key of this riddle. ^Vas it, as has been said, that the leaders What was °^ ^^^ majority were too impatient, that they were in the root of a hurry to obtain absolute control over the govern- the mischief? •' ° ment, and that they did not give time to allow the results of the recent concessions to develop themselves peace- fully? Was it that the leaders of the minority thought that enough had been done in the way of reform, and that Charles ,, . . could be trusted to carry on the government con- Unanimity _ _ j o in face of stitutioually Under changed conditions? Those who the constitu- ^ tionai have Studied the Parliamentary debates of the first fortnight after the commencement of the King's northern journey will be slow to adopt either of these con- clusions. The men of one party were as ready as the men of the other to put pressure upon the Sovereign, to make prepara- tions for securing the fortresses of the kingdom and for placing the military forces of the country in readiness for action at the bidding of the Houses. If no question other than the constitu- tional one had been at issue, or if the danger from Scotland had been a little more evident and had lasted a little longer. Lords and Commons would have passed with complete unanimity 12 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. such a Militia Bill as that which was but the triumph of a party six months later, as surely as they had already concurred in supporting Pym's proposal for the substitution of counsellors approved by Parliament for counsellors selected by the King. The history of the next itw years would, if the King had not yielded entirely, have resembled that of 1688. Charles would have been swept away by the uprising of a united people. There would have been no Civil War, because the courtiers, who would alone have stood by the King, would not have been sufficiently numerous to wage war against the nation. The rock of offence lay in the proposed ecclesiastical legis- lation of Parliament. It was not in the nature of thinars that religious questions should be allowed to slumber. I he re- iigiousdif- tor the mass of Englishmen, religious belief was '^"'^' their only intellectual food, as religious books were their only literature. There were thousands for whom legal and constitutional arguments had but little attraction, who could throw their whole souls into an argument about Presby- terianism or Episcopacy, or about the comparative merits of various forms of worship. A great part of the intellect of the day had been occupied with these very subjects, and Laud and Williams, Milton and Chillingworth, had no peers amongst the writers of literary prose. The peculiarity of this ecclesiastical literature was that it was controversial in its nature. When its successful defence against Rome was over, the innate vigour of Protestantism showed itself in its variations. Free inquiry, rejected in theory by almost all Englishmen, silently pushed its way, and there was scarcely a possible form of Church worship or government which some Englishmen were not ready to defend. Under the most favourable circumstances the diffi- culty of moulding the ecclesiastical institutions so as to meet the new wants of the time would have required the most con- summate prudence. The traditional belief of centuries, held alike by the zealot and the politician, was that religious liberty was but another name for anarchy, and that it was the duty of the State to see that no man was allowed to teach or to worship as seemed right in his own eyes. The difficulty would have been great in any circumstances, but it had been enormously 1641 ■ ANARCHY JX THE CHURCH. 13 increased by recent events. Laud's unwise attempt to suppress Puritanism had recoiled on himself, and through him on the nation. The more extreme Puritans were maddened with resentment, and regarded the attack upon the bishops and the Prayer Book as a holy work. Power, they thought, had at last been placed in their hands for the destruction of an ungodly and anti-Christian idolatry. Those from whose moderation much might at other times have been expected could hardly be moderate now. They found themselves face to face with ecclesiastical usages which they detested, and which had recently been imposed on them with the harshest rigour. \\'as it pos- sible that they should take into consideration religious feelings which they were unable to comprehend, and grant religious liberty to practices which had been as a yoke upon their own necks in the days of the Laudian ascendency ? Social antago- nisms were already prepared to embitter the religious conflict. The greater part of the nobility and gentry of England were inclined to look with contempt and loathing upon the claims of yeomen and handicraftsmen to throw off the yoke of authority, whilst the yeomen and handicraftsmen were well pleased to vin- dicate their independence against the upper classes on the ground of theology, in which they imagined themselves to be masters. Difficult as it was to find a solution for the questions which arose, it was impossible to leave them unsettled. The Church was falling into anarchy, and its services were being moulded by the hazard of the moment at the will of the strongest. Some law must be laid down, some rule to which all would be baund to conform, whether it were a law maintaining enforced uniformity, or a law in protection of liberty. If ever a firm hand was needed to take the reins of govern- ment, it was at this crisis, when there had ceased to be any Government at all. ^\'hat was wanted was a calm strong° ^ and statesmanlike mind ready to listen to all claims, Government. • ^^^ ^^ strike the balance between opposing forces. Charles, if he had had the power, had never had the capacity for such work as this. If it was to be done at all, it must be done by Parliament ; and a Parliament, as had been shown in the days of Elizabeth, was less likely than a single mind to do 14 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. such work worthily. It was more apt to mistake the voice of the majority for the voice of the nation, and less apt to remember that a large minority requires consideration from the mere fact of its existence. That tradition of compromise which is the inheritance of English cabinets had not yet been formed in the days when cabinets 'vere unknown. To make the Church really national, to give within it free play for the religious thought and life which was not too exuberant for its decorum, and to leave room outside for the growth of societies for which even its silken fetters were too oppressive, was the task which the time required. It was the last of which the predominant party was likely to think — it is but fair to add, was the last of which it could be expected to think. The announcement of the day of adjournment was followed by a feeling of regret in the majority of the Commons, that they should separate without having done anything Resolutions for rcligiou. It was resolved at least to put an end astkS inno- to Laud's iunovations. It was determined that the vations. communion-tables should be removed from the east end of the churches, and the rails taken down ; that ' all cruci- fixes, scandalous pictures of one or more persons of the Trinity, and all images of the Virgin Mary ' should be ' taken away,' and ' all tapers, candlesticks, and basins be removed from the communion-table;' that 'all corporal bowing at the name of Jesus, or towards the east end of the church, or towards the communion table be henceforth forborne ; ' that all dancing and sports be forborne on the Lord's Day, and the preaching of sermons be permitted in the afternoon. ^ If no more than this had been proposed the scheme might have received, if not unanimous support, at least the support Pro osai for ^^ ^ '^^''Y Considerable majority, in which many of altering the ^^ defenders of Episcopacy would have voted. The Praver i i ^ ^ Book. waters, however, had been too deeply stirred by the Culpepper's winds of rcligious controversy to be calmed so easily, motion. A member suggested that it would be well to think of some alterations in the Book of Common Prayer.^ Culpepper at ' C. J, ii. 279. ^ Diurnal Occurrences, Sept. I. 1 64 1 . PARTIES FACE TO FACE. 15 once called on the House to provide a remedy against ' such as did vilify and contemn the Common Prayer Book ... or else he feared it might be the occasion of many tumults in Church and State.' From that moment the party lines were strictly drawn. Behind the controversy on Episcopacy and Presby- terianism lay the controversy on forms of worship — a contro- versy which came home to every man who cared about religion at all. The attack upon the Prayer Book by the Final forma- i i i r ^ tionoftwo unnamed member was the commencement of the partie:,. Civil ^^'ar. There was now a possibility that Charles might find a party not only in Parliament but in the nation. In vain Cromwell urged that there were passages in the I Prayer Book to which grave and learned divines could not submit. The house was thin, as it had long been, temporrry^ and this day Culpepper had a majority of 18 in a success. TT r House of 92. On the 6th Culpepper's resolution came up for further dis- cussion. Pym and his supporters were anxious to confine the censure of the House to those who interfered with the Sept. 6. The question existing scrvicc by creating actual disturbance in a postponed, church. Culpcpper wished to extend it to all who ' depraved ' or openly found fault with the Prayer Book, and he again carried his point ; but when the final vote was taken, some of his friends held back, and the clause was ordered to be recommitted for further consideration. ' On the 8th the Lords agreed to the resolution on the removal of the communion-table, but wished that, for the sake of de- .Sept. 8. cency, it should still be surrounded with rails in its The Lords' ^icw positiou, at least in those churches in which it amend- ^ ' ments. had been railed in at the east end.'^ Images of the Virgin which had been erected more than twenty years were to be allowed to stand, and everyone was to be left free to do as he pleased in the matter of bowing. The clause on the Lord's > D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiv. fol. 82 b, 83, 84, 89. ^ The cases of persons putting their hats on the table are well known. In a sermon preached in little more than a month after this date, there is mention of a woman who put her baby on the communion-table, with con- sequences that may easily be imagined. i6 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. day was left for consideration on the 9th, the adjournment having been postponed till that day. Whilst the Lords were thus busy, the Commons took another forward step. They declared it to be lawful for all parishes to Order on set up lecturcrs at their own charge, and there was no lecturers. gjg^ j.]^^(- ^|^gy j-neaut to cousult the Lords on this important declaration.' It is probable that the Peers took offence at the neglect. On the 9th they laid aside the resolu- tions of the Commons.^ In a house of twenty it was Order of the Carried by a majority of eleven to nine, that an order service' be of the 1 6th of January should be printed and pub- accmdTtfg to lished, to the effect ' that the divine service be per- law. formed as it is appointed by the Acts of Parliament of this Realm ; and that all such as shall disturb that wholesome order shall be severely punished according to law ; and that all parsons, vicars, and curates in their several parishes shall forbear to introduce any rites or ceremonies otherwise than those that are established by the laws of this land.' The Lords not only passed this order, but they refused to communicate their resolu- Protest of tion to the Commons. Against this latter resolve six six peers. pecrs — Bedford, Warwick, Clare, Newport, Wharton, and Mandeville— protested. Lyttelton, Manchester, and Huns- don voted in the minority, but did not protest.^ ' C. J. ii. 283. ^ In Dover's Notes, where the affair is misdated as Aug. lo (^Clarendon MiiS. 1603), we are told that ' our reasons for proceeding in this manner, before we advised with the House of Commons, was that the very night before they had in their House ordered that very order which is now set forth by them, to be published and printed before they had a conference with us. Query, whether the House of Commons have power of them- selves to enjoin the whole kingdom anything which is not settled by the laws ? ' Dover was clearly mistaken in saying that the Commons published their order about innovations before the division in the Lords. Probably the truth is as I have put it in the text, though there is no actual direction in the Journals to print the order about lecturers. ' L. J. iv. 395. The names of the eleven who formed the majority are given in Dover's Notes as Bishop Williams, the Earls of Denbigh, Cleveland, Portland, Dover, Kingston, and Earons Mowbray, Wentworth, Dunsmore, Coventry, and Capel. The names are given somewhat differ- i64i CONFLICT BETWEEN THE HOUSES. 17 As might have been expected, the Commons in their turn took offence. D'Ewes said that it was not a fit time to print such an order, 'when all men who loved the truth the Com- cxpectcd a mitigation of the laws already established '"°"^' touching religion, and not a severe execution of them.' Yet it was hard to know what was to be done. Pym suggested that a messenger should be despatched to ask the King to revoke the Lords' order by proclamation. ' The House prob- ably felt that this would not be a hopeful course. It was finally Both the resolved that its own resolutions should be pub- resoiutions Hshed together with the order of the Lords. A com- and the -i rr ^ order to be mentary was to be affixed, expressmg surprise at the ^" '^ "^ ■ thinness of the Upper House when so important a decision had been arrived at. ' So it may still be hoped, when both Houses shall meet again, that the good propositions and preparations in the House of Commons, for preventing the like grievances, and reforming other disorders and abuse in matters of religion, may be brought to perfection.' 'Wherefore,' they ended by saying, 'we expect that the commons of The Com- , i i • i • • i i i mons appeal the realm, do, in the meantime, quietly attend the o patience. j-gfQj.,-,-|j^(-iQj^ intended, without any tumultuous disturb- ance of the worship of God and the peace of the kingdom.' ^ The printing of this declaration was carried without a divi- sion. Nothing could have been more conciliatory than the last paragraph. The warning to submit to the law without impa- tience till Parliament was again in session was conceived in the best spirit of both parties. For all that, the danger was postponed, not averted. The call to abide by the law which had sounded forth from the House of Lords would be sure to find a response in The Lords . , i • , appeal to the the uation, if it Were coupled with a firm resolve to search out the defects of the existing law, in order to bring it into conformity with the new facts which had arisen ently in the Diwnal Occurrences. Lord Hunsdon was Dover's eldest son, who had been raised to a peerage in his father's lifetime. ' This is noteworthy, as showing that Pym did not yet despair of Charles's co-operation. ^ C. J. ii. 287. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiv. fol. no. VOL. X. C 1 8 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. since the law had been made. Otherwise the appeal was no more than a fair show covering the passions of a party. For the time interest was diverted to the North. On the 9th both Houses brought their sittings to an end, and most of the few members who had been constant to the last Adjourn- . , . mentofthe were allowed to enjoy a brief and well-earned rest.^ ouses. Y^zch. House, however, left behind it a Committee The com- ... mittees to charged to watch the progress of affairs, and to cor- recess. respond with the Joint Committee which had been Aug. 30. ordered to attend the King. That Committee, with mi«e^°n the cxccption of the new Earl of Bedford, who was Edinburgh. ^ jggg energetic man than his father had been, and who declined to make the journey, had arrived in Edinburgh on August 30. Its leading spirits were Hampden and Fiennes. The King refused to give to its members any authority to treat with the Scottish Parliament, but he could not hinder them from remaining in Scotland to keep watch over his own pro- ceedings.^ To all appearance Charles had at last succeeded in winning the hearts of his Northern subjects. On the day of the arrival of the English Committee, he was entertained at a The feast in ._ , .,',,. ^^ ^, the Pariia- magnificent banquet in the Parliament House. The men ou^e. j^^^.^ Provost drank the health of the King and Queen with the heartiest expressions of loyal devotion. "Over the whole town," wrote an Englishman who was present, "there was nothing but joy and revelling, like a day of jubilee, and this is taken of the union which doubtless is more firm by reason of the happy intervention of the unity of form of religion, at least for the present, and in the King's own practice, which wins much upon this people. Yesterday his Majesty was again at the great Church at sermon, where the bishops were not spared, but such downright language as would a year ago have ^ been at the least a Star Chamber business, imputing all that was amiss to ill coun- ' It is customary to speak of the period ending here as the first session of the Long Parliament. The term, though convenient, is inaccurate, as there was no prorogation. - The King to LytteUon, Aug. 25, Z. J. iv. 382. 3 Tlifi word "have" is omitted in the MS. i64i . CHARLES AT EDINBURGH. 19 sellers, and so ingratiating His Majesty with all his people, who indeed show a zeal and affection beyond all expression." ' It is easy to conjecture what were the thoughts which arose in Hampden's mind as he looked for the first time on the fair town in the new-found loyalty which had been bought by so Sept. 3. great and so suspicious a self-surrender. Charles was Charles full Jn the highcst spirits. " You may assure everyone," dence. he wrote to Nicholas, "that now all difficulties are passed here." He was not long in discovering that he had been too sanguine. In Parliament Argyle was relentless in demanding Demand ^^"^^ ^^ poHtical or judicial offices should be filled that offices up without the approval of Parliament, and Argvle's should be . . filled up with supporters were m a clear majority in the House. He ofPariia- was not indeed all-powerful. I'here were many """"'' amongst the nobility, besides the imprisoned Mont- rose, who struggled hard against this new constitutional system, in which a majority of countr}' gentlemen and burghers was to be welded, in the hands of one popular nobleman, into a poli- tical force to beat down the power of the great families. They had never intended to throw off the yoke of Charles in order to become the servants of Argyle. " If this be what ^^'' ''■ you call liberty," said the Earl of Perth, " God send me the old slavery again." ^ Charles might choose his own side. He might put himself at the head of the popular party or of the aristocratic party. It needed more decision than he possessed to do either with effect. " His ]\Iajesty's businesses," wrote Endymion Porter, " run in their wonted channel — subtile de- signs of gaining the popular opinion, and weak executions for the upholding of monarchy." ^ Charles himself did not recog- Charies's ^^^^e the realities of the situation. He continued to hopefulness, .^^.j-j^g cheerfully to the Queen. Arg}ie, he told her, had promised to do him faithful service. Leslie was equally devoted to him, and had driven with him round the town amidst the shouts of the people.'* The Queen, we may be sure, ' Bere to Pennington, Aug. 30, S. P. Dom. 2 Webb to Nicholas, Sept. 5, Nicholai MSS. ' Porter to Nicholas, Sept. 7, ibid. < Giustinian to the Doge, Sept. -, Ven. Transcripts, R. 0. c 2 20 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. knew well enough what it was that he expected from the de- votion of Leslie and Argyle. During the weeks of his absence, she had been again urging the representatives of the Pope on the Continent to send her that supply of money which was so ^, ^ . sorely needed. Might it not, she had asked, be sent The Queen s •' o ' application to Cologue, Only to be made over to herself if she could show that there was indeed a sufficient cause for its use. To this, as to all similar pleas, the Papal authorities were deaf Charles's eyes were too steadily fixed on England for him to struggle very pertinaciously against the Scottish Parliament. Sept. i6. On the i6th an Act was passed, according to which choice'^of '^ the King was to choose his officers ' subject to the officers. advice of Parliament.' ^ Charles, perhaps, thought that the mere form of concession would be enough. The next day he gave in a list of councillors, and on the 20th he added the names of the new officers of state. He proposed Sept. 20. '■ ^ Nomination that Loudouu should be Chancellor, and that Lanark, o officers. ^^^^ ^^-^^ j^j^ brothcr Hamilton, had now attached himself to Argyle, should remain Secretary of State. Rox- burgh, a steady partisan of the King, was to keep the Privy Seal ; and Morton, who was a still stronger Royalist than Rox- burgh, was to be Lord Treasurer. At once Argyle rose to Opposition declaim against Morton, his own father-in-law, as a of Argyle. j^^^^^j^ deeply in debt, and incapable of so great a trust. Many of the nobility urged Charles to stand by his nomination. Morton, however, relieved him from his difficulty by ^P'' "■ voluntarily relinquishing his claims.^ Charles was deeply mortified. Argyle, he found, meant ^, , to be master in Scotland. The blow was the more Charles ceases to bitterly felt because it was accompanied by a still from Scot- graver disappointment. The troops which had hitherto been kept on foot, and which Charles had expected to be placed at his own disposal for purposes which he, perhaps ' The Archbishop of Tarsis to Barberini, "^" ^ , R. O. Transcripts. ^ Acts 0/ Pari, of Scotland, v, 403. s Balfour, iii. 66, 69. i64i . SCOTTISH FEUDS. 21 not very definitely, entertained, were dismissed to their homes.' From this moment, as far as it is possible to gather from the disjointed fragments of evidence which have come down to us, he ceased to expect any active aid from Scotland. It would be enough if matters could now be patched up in Edinburgh, so as to enable him to return to England without the appearance of utter defeat. Even this was difficult to obtain. The Parliament now claimed not merely the right to reject the King's nominee, but Demands of the right of presenting for the Royal approval a Parliament, nominee of their own. The barons, too, or lesser gentry, asked that their votes might be given by ballot, and that no one who had taken the King's part in the late war should be admitted to any office in the State.^ In these demands lay the secret of Argyle's strength. He had against him the discontented nobles, but he had the Scottish Argi'ie's nation at his back. In the minds of those country party. gentlemen and townsmen who followed him was the fixed idea that they had been fighting for a great cause, and that Roxburgh and Morton had deserted that cause in its hour of trial. Charles understood nothing of the kind. He wanted to shut his eyes to the past as though it had never been. No wonder Charles's spirits were as depressed now as they had lately been buoyant. " There was never King so insulted Sept. 25. over," wrote a sympathising bystander. " It would Charles's pjj-y ^nv mau's heart to see how he looks ; for he is depression of ^ •' •' _ spirits. never at quiet amongst them, and glad he is when he sees any man that he thinks loves him. Yet he is seeming merry at meat." The foes of Argyle were fast growing beyond Charles's control. They bore Hamilton a special hatred as a deserter Sept. 29. from their cause. Lord Ker, Roxburgh's turbulent Hamilton gQj^ ^^j^q j^^d sided with the Covenanters in the late challenged by Ker. troubles, scut him a challenge as a traitor to his King. Hamilton gave information to Charles, and Ker was ' Giustinian to the Doge, -q^^i ^eii. Transcripts, R. 0. 2 Balfour, iii. 71. Bail lie, i. 390. 22 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. forced to make an apology. The next day he was summoned before the Parhament to give an explanation of his sept. 30. '^ '■ Ker forced conduct. He Came with a following of 600 armed to apoogise. ^^^^^ ^^^ j^ ^^.^^ ^j^ly y^\^ (^}^g greatest difficulty that he was induced to acknowledge that he had been in fault. ^ Nothing had yet been done to bring to a close the dispute about the appointment of officers. Loudoun's nomination to , _, the Chancellorship was at last accepted. For the Loudoun ' '■ chancellor. Treasurer's place the king now named Almond, who Oct- 1- had, indeed, been Lieutenant-General of the Army nominated of Invasion, but who had joined INIontrose in signing the Bond of Cumbernauld. The Parliamentary majority would not hear of him, and its claim to a direct election of officers was again put forward. Day after day passed away without bringing an agreement. Around the King passion was waxing fiercer from hour to hour. Montrose, from behind his prison bars, watched the seething of Montrose's the angry tide. Twice he wrote to Charles, offering letters. ^-q j-jigj^g revclations of the utmost importance to his crown and dignity. Twice Charles refused to listen to vague accusations. He believed, he said, that a man in '^^' ^' Montrose's condition would say much to have the liberty to come to his presence. He had made up his mind to Oct. 10. come to terms with the Parliament. On the following read Mo^ '* ^''^y ^^ ^^"^ ^ message to Almond asking him to give way. withdraw his claims to the Treasurership, as Morton had done before.''^ It was only natural that Charles, in making this concession, should make it in some ill-humour. It was only natural, too, His dis- tliat his displeasure should vent itself on Hamilton, wkvfHim- '^^'^o ^^^ promised so much and had performed so iiton. little. Lanark's pleadings on his brother's behalf only drew from Charles the cold reply that he believed that he was himself ' an honest man, and that he had never heard any- ' Wemyss to Ormond, Sept. 25, Oct., Carte, Original Letters, i. i, 5. Balfour, iii. 36. * Depositions of \V. Murray and the Earl of Almond, Hist. J/SS. Com. Report, iv. 167, 1 68. 1641 THE INCIDENT. 23 thing to the contrary ; but that he thought ' his ' brother had been very active in his own preservation.' Hamilton, in fact, had escaped the danger of being prosecuted as an incendiary by his new intimacy with Argyle. The nth brought a third letter from Montrose. This time Q^^ ^^ he averred his readiness to prove Hamilton a traitor.' Montrose's After souie hesitation Charles resolved to lay this letter before certain lords, amongst whom were submit it to Argyle and Loudoun, in order that they might advise a committee. , ■ , , , , .» hmi on the matter.'^ So far, at least, Charles had taken the straightforward course; but it was not one which was likely to commend itself to the „ ,. , wrathful noblemen who thronged around him at reeling of '^■ Argyies HoKrood. Li Scotland the traditions of lirivate war opponents. i 1 1 i • i i had not yet wholly died out. A great nobleman depended somewhat on the arguments of his advocates before the Court of Session, and somewhat on his personal influence with the judges, but still more upon the sharp swords of his Project of retainers. It was rumoured that Argyle and Hamil- Ar|^Ve"Ld ^o'^ had 5,000 armed followers in Edinburgh.^ Those Hamilton. ^y}^Q wished to put an end to the infliuence of Argyle and Hamilton thought far more of the means of carrying the charge against them to a practical issue than of the accumula- tion of legal proofs. Behind the veil which still hangs over their proceedings may be dimly discerned efforts to win over such of the soldiery as still remained under arms, and to secure the services of Leshe, in order that there might be no violent inter- ruption of the course of justice. Such, at least, would be the most favourable interpretation of their conduct. How far this intention was communicated to Charles it is impossible to say. But it may be safely inferred that if it was communicated to him at all, he would only hear of it as a plan for vindicating the majesty of the law, and that it was only as such that it would be likely to secure his approval, though it is more probable that ' Hamilton's name was not mentioned, but there can be no doubt that he was the person in question. 2 Murray's deposition, Hist. MSS. Com. Report, iv. 167. ' Colonel A. Stewart's deposition, ibia. iv. 164. 24 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. he did not give his assent to any definite scheme at all.' If, however, he really agreed to act on Montrose's last letter, it is not impossible that orders may have been given to Leslie to effect the arrest of the two noblemen on that very evening. Almond, at least, is said to have had nothing more than the enforcement of legal proceedings in his mind ; but amongst those who were burning to throw off Argyle's yoke there were hotter brains than Almond's. The Earl of Crawford, the Catholic head of the house of Lindsay, had served as a soldier Crawford's of fortune in the German wars on the side of the ^ ^"' House of Austria. He had been employed by Charles to command troops against his native country in 1640, and had been dismissed from the English army by the Parliament on account of his religion. Such a man was not likely to brook the predominance of Argyle and Hamilton. He had talked of stabbing them in case of necessity, and had formed a plan for inviting them to meet at the King's lodgings, Arg>-leand , ,* , .,,.°,°'?' Hamilton to wherc they were to be seized, hurried down the backstairs, and carried on board a ship which was lying at Leith. He had entrusted this part of the plot to a certain Colonel Alexander Stewart. On the morning of the nth this man sent for a cousin of his own, Captain William Stewart, and asked for his assistance in seizing Hamilton. "When you have gotten him," objected the Captain, "they would take him from you." " If it were so," was the reply, " we would make the Marquis desire his friends to stay off till he sustained a censure of what was to be laid to his charge, or else we would kill him, which is the custom of Germany where I have served." In such hands the scheme was slipping from an effort to bring an enemy to justice to a possible assassination.^ ' Even after the recovery of the depositions it is impossible to speak more precisely. Colonel Cochrane gave evidence to the effect that Murray, when he had inquired about his regiment, added, " You shall be bidden to know nothing but what ye get the general's order for " {Hist. A/SS. Com. Report, iv. 166). Captain Stewart deposed {ibid. 163), after relating Crawford's violent language, that 'the Lord Almond was of another judg- ment, that they behoved to be challenged by law.' ^ Colonel A. Stewart's deposition, ibid, iv, 164. The seizure, he 1 64 1 THE INCIDENT. 25 In any case, the plot would probably have been frustrated by the King's reluctance to take violent measures against The plot Hamilton. Even before Montrose's letter was placed betrayed. jj-j Charles's hands the worst part of the design had been communicated to those whom it most concerned. Captain Stewart had told what he knew to Colonel Hurry, and Hurry gave information to Leslie. Whether Leslie was ready to guard prisoners of high rank or not, he had no mind to take part in a murder, and he passed the information on to the two noble- men who were endangered. Hamilton went to the King, and told him that, as he could not escape calumny, he should leave the Court. Later in the evening he received fuller intelligence of the design against him, and on the following morning Argyle sent a messenger to Charles to tell him all that he had learned. At the same time the Parliament, having been informed of the danger into which two of its leading members had fallen, opened an investigation into the whole affair. In the afternoon Charles set out for the Parliament House, unwisely allowing himself to be followed by some 500 armed „, , men, in which were to be counted the bitterest Charles goes ' to the Pariia- eucmies of the accused lords. Argyle, together with Hamilton and his brother, Lanark, either believed Flight of the themselves to be in actual danger, or affected to accused . Lords. beheve it. Professing their unwilhngness to risk a slaughter in the streets, they fled to Kineill, one of Hamilton's country houses.^ Such was the course of the Incident, as this plot was named at the time. When Charles appeared before the Parliament The King's tears stood in his eyes. He spoke feelingly of his speech. affcction for Hamilton, his childhood's friend, and declared — in touching remembrance of that night in which he had shown his confidence in the man who was then accused of said, was to be effected ' if the King was out of the way ' — an important statement in the King's favour. ' Lanark's account, Hardwicke S. P. ii. 299. Hamilton to the King, Oct. 22, Hamilton Papers, 103. Baillie, i. 392. Balfour, iii. 94. The date of the 2nd Oct. in the first-named paper is plainly a misprint for the lith, which is sometimes written ii. in MSS. of this date. 26 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c, conspiring to dethrone him, by admitting him to sleep in the same room with himself — that had Hamilton been in any real danger he did not think that ' he could have found a surer sanctuary than in his bedchamber.' In the end, he asked that the Marquis should be sequestered from the House till the whole mystery had been cleared up, and that he might himself have justice done him by the refutation of the calumnies which had been laid upon him.^ Charles soon found that he had not so ingratiated himself with the bulk of the members as to make them very Struggle ■^ between eager to do him justice. They cared far more about Charles and ,. , iri • <• t r ■ ■ the Pariia- trackmg out the plot for the seizure of the fugitive "^" ■ lords. Charles urged that at least the inquiry might be openly conducted before the whole ParUament. The House, ' See Vol. VII. p. 182. 2 I entirely disbelieve Clarendon's story that IMontrose offered to kill Hamilton and Argyle. Dr. Burton has argued (ZT/V/. of Scoilatid, vii. 151) against the objec'ion which has been made that Montrose, being in prison, could not have had an interview with Charles ; that ' when great people are involved in deep plots, such and much greater obstacles have to be overcome.' He forgot that Charles's opponents had the custody of Mon- trose's person. There is, however, another argument which seems to me to tell against the story of an interview between Montrose and Charles. All the evidence goes to show that Charles took no account of Montrose's first two letters. He could only have sought an interview after the third. That letter was only brought to Charles on the nth. Montrose certainly could not have been got out of prison till after nightfall, and before nightfall Charles knew that Hamilton had received warning. He was hardly likely to send for Montrose after that. The fact is, there is no real evidence against Montrose. The story as originally told by Clarendon is a plain, straightforward narrative fitting in very well with all that we know of the matter from other sources. Twenty years later. Clarendon substituted another story, and told how Montrose had offered to commit murder. Such a change would be of value if he had had access to fresh evidence. But as all that he knew must have been derived either from Charles or Montrose, there can have been no fresh evidence. My explanation would be that he had a vague recollection of hearing that Crawford had offered, to kill Hamilton and Argyle, and that, with his usual habit of blundering, he substituted Montrose for Crawford, just as in giving the names of the persons who suggested that the King should make his speech of May I about Strafford, he substituted Saye for Savile. 1641 , CHARLES DISTRUSTED. 27 perhaps not knowing what disclosures might come out, insisted on an investigation by a secret committee. For days the struggle continued. The King saw in the eyes of those be- fore him their suspicions that he had himself been an accom- Q^^ ^ plice in the plot. He rightly felt that he was him- self being put on his trial. " However the matter go," he said, " I must see myself get fair play." He called on the President to ask the House ' why they denied his just and Q^j ^j reasonable request.' He protested that if they re- Committee fused a public inquiry ' he knew not what they would of investiga- , . , _ . . , _,, , , tionap- grant hmi. It was m vain that Charles protested. pomte . Q^ ^]^g 2isthe gave way, and a committee of investi- gation was appointed. No one who has studied Charles's character can believe for a moment that he was directly guilty of conspiracy to murder. „ , Yet, if he found himself distrusted, he had but him- now tar ' ' Charles was self to blame. No doubt Ars;vle was intriguing and to blame. . °-' . ° . ambitious, and Hamilton was but seekmg to swmi with the tide ; but had not Charles, too, been intriguing and self-seeking ? Why was it that he had courted first the Pres- byterian middle classes, and then, when he found hmiselt unable to gain his ends by their help, had thrown himself upon the old feudal aristocracy ? Was it so very surprising that that aristocracy was still what it had ever been ? Its traditions were those of plot and violence, of enemies shot down in the streets of Edinburgh, or hurried off to imprisonment in distant strong- holds. Nor did Charles's guilt end here. He had not come to Scotland for any purpose connected with the welfare of the Scottish people. He had looked on them simply as the in- strument by the help of which he was to work his will in Eng- land, and he had no reason to be surprised if the instrument Oct. 21. had broken in his hands. Charles's Evcu uow Charlcs had not by any means relin- intentions "^ with regard quishcd his projected attack on the English Par- Engiish liamentary leaders. It may be that he did not consciously wish to overthrow the legislation of the past year. If the new laws brought with them improvements 28 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. in his mode of governing, he was quite wiUing to accept them. But he had no intention of ceasing to govern, and it was quite evident to him that Pym and his allies were ambitious and designing intriguers, who, for purposes of their own, wished him to cease to govern. He had, indeed, no notion of grasp- ing authority by placing himself boldly at the head of the nation Aug. ii. as a whole, but he hoped that by interesting himself in He attempts certain questions which had a hold upon particular to gain a ^ _ ^ '■ party. groups of his subjccts he might regain all that he had lost. In August he wrote letters expressing his anxiety for the speedy disbandment of the armies. In September he opportunely discovered that Parliament had omitted to include in its last Ton- nage and Poundage Continuance Bill some clauses vvhich would have given satisfaction to the City merchants. " Therefore," he wrote to the Lord Keeper, " I command you, tell Sept. 7. . . the City in my name that, though their own burgesses forget them in Parliament, yet I mean to supply that defect out of my affection to them, so that they may see that they need no mediators to me but my own good thoughts." A Oct. 5. . . month later followed expressions ommous of ven- geance, if vengeance could be had. Berkeley and O'Neill, two officers employed in the second Army Plot, had returned from the Continent, and had been put in custody by the Com- mittee of the Commons, which was in session during the recess. " I hope some day," wrote the King, " they may repent of their severity I beheve, before all be done, that they will not have such great cause for joy." A week later he con- Oct. 12. ° . ■' tinned in the same strain, " I hope many will miss of their aims." ' On the day on which these words were written Charles can no longer have hoped for armed help from Scotland. Hopes to ° ^ . ^ . obtain evi- It was the day when Edinburgh was in an uproar, against the and the three lords were flying to Kineill. The most probable explanation is that he hoped to ob- tain possession of that letter of invitation to the Scots to enter ' The King's Apostyle, Aug. 28. The King to Lyttelton (not to Finch, as printed), Sept. 7. The King's Apostyles, Oct 5, 12, Evelyn's Memoirs, ii. App. 3, 13, 27, 28, 30, i64i . PVM'S DIFFICULTIES. 29 England which he believed to be in existence in Scotland, and to convict his opponents of treason on still stronger evidence than that which had been admitted against Strafford. If Pym knew nothing of these unhappy projects, he at least knew enough to put him on his guard. Hampden was in Edinburtih, gathering more intimate knowledge cf Hampden in to ' O J-) ^ o Edinburgh. Charlcs's character. He watched him as he coquetted alternately with the Parliamentary Presbyterians, and with the dashing nobles who hated Parliament and Presbyteries. It was Pyn, ;„ not only to news from Edinburgh that Pym had to London. listen. Holland, on his return from the army in the North, had doubtless much to tell of that second Army Plot for their part in which Berkeley and O'Neill were now in cus- tody. It would have been strange, too, if Lady Carlisle did not from time to time bring him tidings from Oatlands of the Queen's feverish expectations and plans, too cleverly devised to bear the test of action. He must have felt like a soldier who has braced himself to the assault of a fortress, when he stands upon ground which he knows to be mined beneath his feet. During the first days of October, London was in an agitated state. Disbanded soldiers w^ere roaming about, robbing whom- Disorders in socvcr they met. The post-bag containing letters for London. j-j^g King was opened by masked highwaymen. The religious troubles were on the increase. In virtue of the resolutions of the Commons, men entered the churches, breaking down the altar rails, dashing in the painted windows, and even tearing up the monuments of the dead when they bore inscrip- tions inviting to prayer for the departed.^ Sober men Growth of were startled by the breaking out of wild and un- fanaticism. |Qo],g^.foj. fanaticism. There were Adamites, it was said, who held it to be their duty to strip themselves of every shred of clothing when they met to worship God. There was the Family of Love, which was reported to plunge into the wildest excesses of debauchery. The Separatists, or Brownists as their adversaries styled them, were of a very different character, but they were treated in much of the pamphlet • Wallington's Hist. Notices^ i. 259. 30 THE FORMA TION OF PARTIES. CH. c. literature of the day as standing on hardly a higher level. Why, it was asked, should cobblers, weavers, feltmongers, and tailors take on themselves to interpret God's word directly contrary to God's word ? Even from the pulpits of the official ministers strange assertions were heard. One minister affirmed that Popish innovations began when the Apostles ordained the first bishops. Another declared that parents ought to abstain from teaching their children the Lord's Prayer. Another minister chided some of his hearers for sitting in church with their hats off, and bade them leave off that superstitious compliment. Another spoke of Felton's murder of the Duke of Buckingham with approbation, whilst yet another deliberately omitted from his prayers the name of Christ, lest anyone in the congregation should be guilty of idolatry by showing reverence. It was said openly that churches were no more holy than kitchens, or the Lord's-table than a dresser-board. One man who attracted notoriety by rising in various churches in order to address the congregation, and who was known as the Prophet Hunt, used to tell all who would listen to him that the Old Testament was of no more use than an old almanac out of date. If a clergy- man whose dress or appearance betrayed him as a supporter of the unpopular party ventured out into the streets, it was not long before he had a shouting mob at his heels. A Jesuit, a Baal's priest, an Abbey-lubber, a Canterbury's whelp, were the mildest epithets which were flung at him in derision. At a time when the current ran strongly in favour of the use of Extempo- extemporary prayers, those who clung to the noble rary prayers, language of the Prayer Book with affection had often cause to regard with contempt the efforts of men without elo- quence or education to provide a substitute for it. One preacher asserted that in the late time of drought he had heard a man praying in this fashion : " Lord; there have been some sem- blances, and some overtures, Lord, of rain. The clouds indeed were gathered together, but they were suddenly dispersed. Lord, Lord, Thou knowest that the kennels of the street yield a most unsavoury smell." The preacher professed that for his part he preferred the despised form : " O God .... send us, we beseech Thee, in this our necessity, such moderate 1641 GROWTH OF THE SECTS. 31 rain and showers, that we may receive the fruits of the earth to our comfort, and to Thy honour." ' It was hard to moderate between the disgust of a large part of the upper and more cultured class and the zeal of the many who were rushing headlong into the whirl of a religious excite- PynVs ment. Government there was none in England, save Committee, guch as resided in the Committee of which Pym was the guiding spirit. That Committee did its utmost, after its fashion, to stem the tide. It ordered every disbanded soldier to return to his home. It strove to enforce the resolutions of the Commons as a mere declaration of the existing law. But it had a difficult part to play. The sense of insecurity provoked Oct 12 staid and nervous citizens to apprehension. The weight of taxation, especially of the terrible poll-tax, pressed heavily on rich and poor. The religious sense of a respectable Rising minority in London, probably of a majority in the ig'^ainft the country, was deeply wounded. It was not against sects. Presbyterianism that their anger was moved. The Root-and-Branch Bill had been a clear indication that the Commons had no wish to impose Presbyterianism on England. The present evil which was feared was the sudden uprising of the untaught multitude, that ' blatant beast ' of which Spenser had written, forcing the acceptance of its uncouth shibboleths upon men of learning and education. " I think," wrote one who shared in this feeling, " it will be thought blasphemy shortly to name Jesus Christ ; for it is already forbidden to bow at His name, though Scripture and the Church of England doth both warrant it and command it." Placards were already posted up against ' the precise Lords and Commons of the Parliament.' The authors of sedition, it was said, who had conspired with the Scots, must be expelled from Parliament, otherwise men would be found to take their lives, as enemies of God and the com- monwealth. Similar placards were exposed to the public gaze in many' parts of the country, and especially in Yorkshire.^ ' The greater part of this paragraph is founded on A Sermon preached at St. Paul's the lot/i day of Oct. by T. Cheshire, E. 177. - Wiseman to Pennington, Oct. 7, S. P. Doin. Giustinian's despatch, 8 Oct. -^, Ven. Transcripts, R. 0. 10 32 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. Parliament was to meet again on the 20th. On the 19th Pym read in committee the letters from Edinburgh telling of Oct. 21. the murderous design which had been timely frus- knoJnfn"""' tratcd. For the last ten days, he said, he had been London. receiving warnings that a similar design was enter- Re-assembiy tained in England. When the Houses re assembled of Pari la- ^ ment. the shadow of the Incident was there to terrify them. "Other men," Essex and Holland thought, "were in danger of the like assaults." ' D'Ewes moved in the Commons that the danger of a Popish plot should be the first subject of con- sideration, and that the Lords should be asked to join in settling religion, as a salve for all sores. Hyde and Falkland fell back on blank increduhty as to there being any danger at all, and asked that the affairs of Scotland should be left to the Scottish Parliament, that they should not ' take up fears and suspicions without any certain and undoubted ground.' The House refused to listen to a plea which made so light of the peril, and the Lords were asked to concur in measures forPariia- for the protection of Parliament. To this demand "*^"'' the Lords at once assented, and from that day a hundred men from the Westminster Trained Bands kept guard night and day in Palace Yard.^ The language of Hyde and Falkland was sufficient evi- dence that the Episcopalian party was in process of conversion Oct. 20. JJ^to a Royalist party. But their failure to secure The Epis- anv large following as yet, and the prompt concur- copalian ^ ^,t j-ii^ -j party rcnce 01 the Lords with the Commons, was evidence RoySiTt^ that the conversion was not as yet entirely effected. p^'^y- Even at this time it may safely be affirmed that, if no other question had been at issue than the political one, there would have been no permanent division of parties, and no Civil War, with all its melancholy consequences. Only partisan rancour can throw the blame of the Civil War on either side exclusively. Pym, far-sighted as he was on ' C. 7. ii. 289. D'Ewes's Djary, Harl. MSS. clxiv. fol. 241 b. Clarendon, iv. 20. 2 C. y. ii. 290. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 12 b. Diurnal Occurrences, 329. i64i - THE FOUNTAIN OF STRIFE. ^-^ the constitutional question, had been bred up too long on The fault of ^he commonplaces of Puritanism to recognise boldly division falls jj^^j. ^q Settlement of the Church was likely to on both •' sides. be permanent which did not provide for both the Pvm. chief phases of opinion. U'ithout being himself a fanatic, he had more sympathy with the fanatics than he had with the ceremonialists. The grand vision of religious liberty never lightened his path. The hard problem of toleration which his own generation and the next were called to solve never presented itself to his mind as a question worthy of con- sideration. He would have had but one Church, one form of worship, one dogmatic teaching, though he would no doubt have administered this system in a large and tolerant spirit. Fatal as his choice was, nothing else could fairly have' been expected of him. If he had not shared the errors of his followers he would never have been their leader. The belief that the State was to settle a definite Church order, to which all w^ere bound to submit, was too deeply rooted in the English mind to be easily eradicated, and the unbending severity of Laud's government had called forth a reaction strong enough to remove far away the thought of toleration for any practices which seemed akin to the Laudian innovations. The action of Falkland is still more disappointing than that of Pym. It might have been expected that with his broad cul- ture and wide sympathies he would have made some ^ ^" ■ overtures with the object of enlarging the formularies of the Church, in order to embrace all moderate men within its fold. The policy of comprehension, indeed, was not altogether a promising one. It would, in any case, have left too many outside the widest possible Church to be accepted as a perma- nent solution of the problem. But at least it would have acknowledged that the problem existed. No help of this kind was forthcoming from Falkland. His entire want of imagina- tive force left him without creative power. He was a critic- an amiable, truth-loving critic — but not a statesman. He had attacked Laudian Episcopacy in P^bruary. His ^"'^ ^'' delicate nerves were shocked in October by the systematic rigour of Presbyterianism and by the fanaticism of the VOL. X. D 34 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c, sects. He had said his last word in pohtics, and he now sank into a mere position of dependency upon a man in every respect, except rigidity of purpose, so inferior to him as Hyde. Like Falkland, the Long Parliament itself had said its last word in politics. Everything that it had done up to this point, with the single exception of the compulsory clauses Theperma- rr. • • , a i , t^ nent work of of the Triennial Act, was accepted at the Restoration Pariia°mfnt and passcd into the permanent constitution ot the *'"'^^'*" country. Everything that it attempted to do after this was rejected at the Restoration. The first was the work of the whole Parliament, the second was the work of a majority. Failure, and it must be confessed deserved failure, was the result of Pym's leadership. Failure, and equally deserved failure, would have been the result of the leadership of Hyde. It does not follow that the historian should pause here and throw down his pen in despair. It does not follow that he is even called on to regret the sad and melancholy tale yet to be which has yet to be unrolled of Englishmen, born to '° ■ be as brothers, flying at one another's throats in savage hatred ; or, worse still, of Englishmen in despair casting away the high thoughts of their fathers to grovel in the slough of sensuality, except with that regret which is ever springing up afresh for the imperfections and weaknesses of human nature itself Would England, it may well be asked, have been really the better if it had limited its desires to purely material objects, if it had been content to abolish ship-money and the Star Chamber, to seize the purse, and, with the purse in its hand, to enter into its inheritance of power? Such gains have never been sufficient for any nation or for any man. Liberty and authority are only permanent when they are grasped not for their own sake, but for the sake of higher and more beneficent aims. Our fathers, it is true, strove in error. They walked on paths which led not to wisdom and justice, but to foll> and in- justice. But wisdom and justice were the objects which they set before themselves. Each party contended for an ideal Church, which was not soiled in their minds by the admixture of material dross ; and no man who strives even for a false ideal can fall so low as the man who strives for no ideal at all. The i64i . NEED OF TOLERATIOX. 35 error was great, and it was sorely expiated. He whose lot it is to tell the tale of the heroic and fatal strife may well look be- yond the strife and the immediate relaxation of energy which followed its conclusion. Even in the Restoration he can foresee the Revolution and the reawakening of moral earnestness and intellectual insight which was the ultimate result of the Revo- lution. If it was in England that the great problem of the seventeenth century was solved by liberty of speech and thought, if England has from time to time raised herself above the temp- tations of material wealth to loose the bonds of the slave, and to redress the wrongs of the oppressed, if her greatest glory has been that she has been not only free herself but the mother of free nations, it is because at this crisis of her fate .she did not choose to lie down and slumber as soon as she judged that the rights of property were safe. Even now voices were raised to point to the true path of safety ; but they were not voices to which any man of authority . , was likely to listen The desire for toleration naturally Voices raised ■' i i i -i for toie.-a- comcs to the pcrsecutcd before it reaches the philoso- pher or the statesman, and the theory which had been struck out by the early Separatists retained its power over their July. successors. Henry Burton, who had been restored l^rot^station ^'^ ^'^ church in Friday Street, had been ru.shing Protested, forwards to extreme Puritanism, and in a pamphlet entitled The Protestation Protested,^ had sketched out that plan of a national Church surrounded by voluntary churches, which was accepted at the Revolution of 1688 as the solu- Rrooke's tion of the difficulty by which two generations had onEpiscl- been troubled.'^ Still more remarkable was A Dis- ^^'■''' course openhig the nature of that Episcopacy which is exercised in England, the result of Lord Brooke's vacation ' Its publication is mentioned in a letter of July 11, R. Hobart to J. Hobart, July II, Tanner MSS. Ixvi. fol. 109. * The Hundile Petition of the Broivnists, 1 64 1, E. 178, declares for complete toleration even for Roman Catholics and for the Family of Love, on the ground that whatever is of God will prosper. The largeness of its charity is rather suspicious, and it was most probably intended as a cari- cature. D 2 36 THE FOR^rATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. studies. Never did so unpromising a beginning lead up to a fairer conclusion. Brooke entered upon his task by denouncing bishops as upstarts of low birth and ill-breeding. His argument meandered for some time amongst disputed points of ecclesias- tical antiquity, in which he fails to interest the reader, because, like most other controversialists of his day, he shows that he is not led by any spirit of historical inquiry, and that he is thinking of Laud and Wren much more than of Ambrose and Augustine. When the constructive portion of the book is reached the author wins upon our sympathies. He is not, indeed, aware, any more than Pym was aware, of the full extent of the problem to be solved. His ideal Church is Puritan and nothing more. But he had been brought, as a member of the House of Lords, face to face with the question of the treatment of schismatics. He had doubtless been one of those Peers who visited the conven- ticle in Deadman's Place. In this practical way he had come to ask himself the question whether liberty of conscience for the ignorant as well as for the wise were good or bad. The bishops, he says, had declared that ceremonies were indifferent, and on that ground had forced all to take part in them. Brooke boldly answers that nothing is indifferent. The least action ought either to be done or left undone, and it is only our ignorance of the right course which we veil under the name of indifference. Yet if there is to be any sort of Church at all, it must impose certain acts upon its members. The difficulty comes when the community is of one opinion and an individual member of another. Brooke decides for the individual. No power on earth, he says, ought to force his practice. ' One that doubts with reason and humility may not, for aught I yet see, be forced ty violence.' ^ With this thought before him Brooke refused to be frightened by the danger of admitting ignorant and vulgar persons to teach. Why, he asks, may not a man be allowed to preach, though he is basely employed all the week in trade, as well as a bishop who is busy all the week with affairs of state ? Brooke has full faith in the purifying effect of liberty. " Fire and water," he says, " may be restrained, but light cannot. It > Page 33. 1 64 1 - BROOKE ON EPISCOPACY. 37 will in at every cranny, and the more it is opposed it shines the brighter, so that now to stint it is to resist an enlightened and inflamed multitude." The activity of the bishops in enforcing conformity had resulted in producing many thousand Noncon- formists. Why could not men agree to differ? " Can we not dissent in judgment but we must also disagree in affection ? Wc never prove ourselves true members of Christ more than when we embrace His members with most enlarged yet straightest affections." ' It is impossible to over-estimate the value of such a book. Whilst the future champions of toleration were silent, whilst Merits of Cromwcll was giving all his strength to the work of Brooke's the hour, whilst Milton was lost in admiration of his latest birth of an all-embracing and unobtrusive Pres- byterianism, Brooke had worked out the problem of his age, and had given the solution which, after forty-eight years of con- fused and weary seeking, all England would accept. His pleading on behalf of the liberty of unlicensed preaching preceded by threeyears Milton's pleading forthe liberty of unlicensed printing. No defect in the form of Brooke's work should be allowed to distract our minds from its intrinsic value. If Pym was very far from possessing Brooke's keenness of insight into the future, it was at least certain that his counsels would be given on the side of moderation. The Root- Bishops' Ex- and-Branch Bill was finally abandoned at the re- c usion 1 . ^gggf-,-,i-)|j,-,g Qf Parliament. The attempt made by the committee to enforce the resolutions of the Commons in the matter of the ceremonies was also dropped. On the 2 ist a new Bill was brought in to deprive the clergy of all temporal autho- rity, and especially to exclude the bishops from their seats in the House of Lords. The opposition to the measure was of a very perfunctory kind. Hyde objected to it on the ground that it meddled with the constitution of the Upper House, whilst Falkland took the more practical ground that it was certain to be rejected by the Peers. The only alternative scheme was offered by Bering, who asked that a national Synod should be ' Pages 98, 123. 38 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. called to remove the distractions of the Church. For the present no attention was paid to this suggestion, which had already been heard of on several occasions since the first meeting of Parliament. It is probable that Pym felt it to be hopeless to expect any such Church reform as he regarded necessary, so long as a compact body of twenty-six episcopal votes was op- posed to. him in the House of Lords. The new Bill '^'' ^^' was pushed rapidly through the Commons. It was read a third time only two days after its introduction.' When the Bill was sent up to the Lords, some who wished it ill believed that it would be allowed to pass.- Its introduc- Feeiing of ^ion a sccoud time was evidently intended to form the Lords. ^|-jg basis of a compromise. Yet there was a large party amongst the Peers which was against all concession. The vigour of the sects during the vacation, and the violence with which the orders of the House of Commons had been in some places executed, had produced a feeling of irritation in many of the Peers, which was increased by the not unnatural resentment roused by an attempt to alter the ancient constitution of their own House. It was observed that on the day after '" ■ ^'*" the Bill was sent up, which happened to be a Sunday, an unusual number of Lords travelled down to Oatlands to pay their respects to the Queen.^ On Monday an incident occurred which showed how intense was the bitterness of the hatred of which Pym had by this time become the object. A letter was delivered to him in his place in the House. As soon Oct. 25. . -^ . A plague-rag as he had opened it, a rag, foul with the foulness of sent to Pym. 1 i 1 n •-i^y 1 a plague-sore, dropped on the floor. I he letter in ^yhich it was enclosed termed him a traitor and a taker of bribes, and assured him that if he did not die of the infection now con- veyed to him, a dagger would be found to rid the world of his presence.^ In the first months of the Long Parliament, Pym and his ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl, MSS. clxii. fol. 31b. Bering's Speeches, 92. ^ Nicholas to the King, Oct. 25, Evelyiis Alcmoirs, ii. App. 44. ^ Giustini'in to the Doge, '^ " ^^, Ven. Transcripts. R. O. ' D'Ew25 Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 36 b. 1641 OPPOSITION TO PYM. 39 friends had had the advantage of opposing vague and indefinite schemes. No one could tell precisely what the po^ai sursup primitive Episcopacy of their adversaries would come opposition. ^^ ^^ -j^ practice. That advantage they had now thrown away. After all that had been said and done in support of the Root-and-Branch Bill, it was impossible to imagine that the present Bishops' Exclusion Bill was Pym's last word on Church reform. What he wanted, it seemed, was to diminish the majority against him in the House of Lords before producing that scheme which appeared all the more dangerous because he had given no hint what its nature was to be. He would pro- bably have gained far more than he would have lost by bringing forward now a complete but moderate plan of ecclesiastical reform. Unfortunately, he, too, had none of those powers of constructive statesmanship which were most needed at this crisis of our history. Not only was the advantage of definiteness of plan lost to Pym, but it had already passed over to the other side. On the „, ,., . 2Sth Nicholas had been circulating amongst the The Kings '' i • i i i • i. j manifesto Peers an extract from a letter which had just reached amo"ngstthe him from the King. "I hear," wrote Charles, "it ^''^''^' is reported that at my return I intend to alter the government of the Church of England, and to bring it to that form as it is here. Therefore I command you to assure all my servants that I am constant to the discipline and doctrine of the Church of England established by Queen Elizabeth and my father, and that I resolve — by the grace of God— to die in the maintenance of it." ' Charles had at last found an object to stand up for which was higher than his own i^erogative. By this manifesto 1 he mam- ° i o j r i. • i • r ieHo practi- he was to abide till the last solemn scene of his lite. daratton^of It gave him the hearts of all who, from various causes, "''''■ distrusted Puritan domination. In the mouth of any man less liable than himself to prefer intrigue to statesmanship ' This appears to have been the form in which the extract was circu- Inted, but there was an earlier one. The King's Apostyle, Oct. 12. Nicholas to the King, Oct. 25, Evelyn's Memoirs, ii. App. 37, 44. The King to Nicholas, Oct. 18, S. P. Dom. ' 40 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. it would, with some modification, have secured a firm founda- tion for the constitutional monarchy. So deeply-rooted was the monarchical feeling in England that even after it had been chilled by years of misgovernment, it was ready to spring up again with fresh hfe the moment that the causes of distrust had been removed. In the mouth of Charles, imfortunately, the manifesto was a declaration of war. He had no thought of making room for so many of the Puritan party as would be content to enter into a compromise with their fellow-subjects. Yet Puritanism was still a mighty force in England, and it was not for Charles to hope permanently to exclude it from the Church, any more than it was for Pym to hope to make it permanently dominant in the Church. Both sides, in short, were driven by their antecedents to The funda- misundcrstand the fundamental conditions of govern- mental con- 1-nent. Charles believed that an existing system could ditions of • 1 1 r 1 J- government be mamtamcd m the face of widely-ieit dissatistac- Ttood" '"^' tion. Pym believed that a new system could be in- troduced by a mere Parliamentary majority in the face of a dissatisfaction equally widely felt. The one maintained that the House of Commons could effect no change without the assent of the King and the House of Lords. The other exalted the authority of an elected assembly whilst forgetting to inquire whether its decisions were in conformity with the actual neces- sities of the nation. Yet if there were faults and errors on both sides Charles was p m and personally overmatched by Pym. In coolness and the King. dexterity the Parliamentary leader was far his superior. On the 26th, Pym stopped a proposal made by Holies, that the bishops who had been impeached for their part in the Oct. 26. , i , , , , 1 r .-11 Pym asks latc canons should be accused of treason, whilst he ilishops'^be himself carried a vote to ask the Lords to suspend from'^votln ^^^ whole Episcopal Bench from the division on the o" 'h'= Kx- Exclusion Bill, on the ground that they ought not to elusion Bill. ' ° . , be judges in their own case, and to direct that the thirteen who had been already impeached should be sequestered from the House till their case had been decided.' An attemi)t • C. J. ii. 295. D'Ewes's Diary, Had. MSS. cl.\ii. fol. 40 b. 641 . NEW BISHOPS. 41 passionately supported by Strode to assert the claim of Parlia- Oct. 28. ment to a negative voice on ministerial appointments wtfe on"" failed to secure the requisite support, and a simple appoint- petition was resolved on to express to the Kintr the merits . ' ^ claimed. mere wish of the House on the subject. At the same time the Peers determined by a narrow majority to post- Action of P^'^^ consideration of the suspension of the bishops, the Peers. and of the Exclusion Bill itself, till November 10, the day fixed for the opening of the proceedings against the impeached bishops.'. It is plain that the majority in both Houses was for the present fluctuating. Neither side wished to push matters to The vacant extremities. Charles had no such feeling. Far bi'fined." '° ^^^'^y ^^ Edinburgh, without the possibility of con- sultation even with his devoted adherents, he an- nounced his intention of filling five bishoprics which happened to be vacant. \Villiams was to be Archbishop of York. Hall and Skinner, who were both amongst the impeached pre- lates, were translated respectively to Norwich and Oxford. The other new bishops were no doubt excellent men, and one of their number, Dr. Prideaux, the Rector of Exeter College, and Professor of Divinity at Oxford, would have done credit to the Bench in any age. What was serious in tjie matter was the indication of Charles's intention to nominate bishops as he had nominated them before, without any in- timation that they were to hold their offices subject to future limitation. By the majority of the thin House which was now at West- Oct. 29. minster, the appointment of the bishops was taken as FeeHng in ^u insult. Cromwell's vehemence carried the Com- the Com- mons, mons with him in a resolution to demand a con- ference with the Lords on the subject, and an early day, „, o November i, w-as fixed for the consideration of that I he Remon- strance to be Remonstrance on the state of the kingdom which considered. n i ,- ■ , • had been so often talked of m the earlier part of the year, but which had never been actually discussed. ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. 46 b. L. J. iv. 407. 42 THE FORMATION OF PARTIES. CH. c. Before the appointed day arrived a fresh blow was aimed at the King. On October 30 Pym revealed what he knew of the Oct. 30. second Array Plot. O'Neill and Berkeley had been The second under examination, and their statements were now Army Plot , denounced, read. It was deduced from their evidence that when Charles went to Scotland he had gone with the hope of obtaining military, assistance in the North, and it is now known from other sources that the inference was correct. Pym asked ^ , , whether the danger was at an end yet. Secret forces. Fresh plots ^ ■' suspected, hc Said, had been prepared, and the chief recusants in Hampshire had been meeting for consultation. The Prince of Wales, who should have remained at Richmond, under the charge of Hertford, who was now his governor, had been a frequent visitor at Oatlands where his mother was keeping her Court, and the lad could receive no good in body or soul from his mother. It was to be feared that a connection existed between these plots in England and recent events in Scotland. ^^'hen Pym sat down it was ordered that Father Philips, and ]\Ionsigot, who had recently arrived on a mission from the Queen Mother, should be sent for, and that the Lords should direct Hertford to keep a stricter personal watch over the Prince. With this demand the Lords promptly compHed.' ^, ^ , Whether Pym's suspicions were well founded or not 1 he Queen s -^ ^ . . language to it is Impossiblc to Say, but there is a serious corro- boration of them in the langruage which had been ^t>^ used by the Queen to the French ambassador less than a fort- night before. She then told him exultingly that her husband's affairs were in the best possible condition, and that more than 10,000 men were ready to assemble in his service on three days' notice.- That which seemed to her to be an increase of strength, was in very truth the cause of incurable weakness. ' C. y. ii. 299. D'Ewes's Diaiy, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 37 b. 2 La Ferte's despatch, Oct. -\ Arch, des Aff. ^tr. xlviii. fol. 394. 43 CHAPTER CI. THE IRISH REBELLION AND THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE, Again and again Charles's intrigues rose up in judgment against him. On November i, the day which had been set apart in the House of Commons for the considera- Nov. I. tion of the Remonstrance, news arrived at West- in^sh'^Re- * minster that a rebeUion had broken out in Ireland, bcihon. ^^^^ j,j^^j.^ ^^j. £^j. information timely given at the last moment, Dublin itself would have been in the hands of the conspirators. Startling as the news was, there was nothing in it to cause surprise. E\'er}'thing that had been done in Ireland since the flight of the Earls in 1607 had been of a nature to lead up to such a catastrophe. For a few years after James's Ketrospect ' . "^ "^ of the L'lster acccssion there had been a serious attempt to remedy the evils of Ireland by enlisting the sympathies of the people in the cause of at least material progress ; but before the temptation offered by the commotions in Ulster English virtue had given way. Six counties were declared to be forfeited to the Crown under an artificial treason-law which had no hold on the Irish conscience. English and Scottish colonists were brought in to occupy the richest parts of the soil. The children of the land were thrust forth to find what sustenance they could on the leavings of the intruders, and were debarred even the poor • privilege of serving the new settlers for hire, lest they should be tempted to fall upon their masters unawares. That which was done was done not so much in order that the land of Irishmen should be confiscated, as that a British garrison should be planted amongst them. The result, how- ever, was equally disastrous. 44 THE miSH REBELLION. CH. ci. The system once established found favour in the eyes of succeeding Deputies. British colonists cost nothing to the Later plan- State, and the means of the Government did not tations. allow it to maintain an army in Ireland adequate to it-s needs. When St. John and the elder Falkland were Depu- ties there were fresh plantations, though, in spite of the efforts of land-jobbers and confiscators, an attempt was made to treat the natives with something less of harshness than in Ulster. Three- fourths of the re-divided land was to be assigned to them, and only one-fourth to the British undertakers. Even if the plan laid down had been strictly carried out, the system would have been one of the grossest injustice. Some few Irish families were, no doubt, the better for it. They received estates which would be permanently their own, and were thus induced to improve the land of which they had a secure possession. But the mass of Irishmen had no such good fortune. Their part in the old tribal tenure was utterly unrecognised, and they were contemptuously thrust out into the world to seek their fortunes as best they might.' When Strafford ruled in Ireland, he had resolved to carry out an extensive plantation in Connaught ; hoping thereby to The pro- effect a change which would bring with it the bless- jected Plan- j,-,o-s of English civilisatiou, and of English religion . tation of o ° . , , Connaught. jt ig true that under his rule a very practical tole- ration existed. Priests and friars who did not make them- selves too conspicuous might go about without hindrance amongst a population which well-nigh adored them, and no Irishman had any difficulty in hearing mass as often as he pleased ; but it was clearly understood that this licence was merely provisional, and that Strafford was looking to the strength which a fresh confiscation would give him, to enable him to suppress the exercise of the Irish religion with a heavy hand. Strafford fell, but he left his hopes and fears to those who succeeded him. Lord Deputy Wandesford died before the end of 1640, and, after a brief interval, his authority was handed ' See the account of these proceedings scattered over the Calendar of Irish State Papers, 1615-1625, of some of which an account has been given in Vol. VIII. pp. 1-28. 1 64 1 . THE LORDS JUSTICES. 45 over to two Lords Justices, Sir William Parsons and Sir John The Lords Boriasc. I'hc first was an adventurer who had made Parsons and '^'^ fortuHe by evicting Irishmen from their lands. Boriase, Xhc second was an old soldier, without any quali- fications for governing a country. The difficulties before them were such as to be almost insuperable. They found them- selves face to face with a Catholic majority in a Parliament in which the Protestant minority was always ready to join the Catholics in pulling down the edifice of prerogative which had been erected by Strafford. Each House had a committee in England negotiating with the King, and these committees found Charles's Charles ready to give way on almost every point. concessions, j^g ^,^g j-qq niuch occupied with his English diffi- culties to care whether Ireland were the better or the worse for his concessions. Blow after blow was struck at the revenue, till the ex- Aprii. chequer was threatened with a deficit as large as that Alarm of fj-Qm which Strafford's energy had saved it. The the Irish . . '-'■' Council. Lords Justices and the Irish Council were horrified to learn ' that the Plantation of Connaught, long suspended, ' ]n a letter in which the subject is treated from the English point of view^ the Council stated ' that in the Plantations great parts of the lands have been so assured to the British by provisos in the grants and other- wise as they must for ever remain English, and cannot in point of interest come into the hands of Irish, which adds much to the strength of the government and service of the Crown, that by them the great Irish Lords, who for many ages so grievously infested this kingdom, arc either taken away, or so levelled with others in point of subjection, as all now submit to the law, and many of them live in good order ; that the Plantations have been made only in the Irish territories, where those sometimes un- ruly chieftains formerly governed, and where the Irish, by advantage of the times, prevailed by incursions, and in a manner continued rebellious for a long time to expel the English first planted, though now many of them are changed into a civil course of life ; . . . that if no Plantations had been made, this kingdom had doubtless, in many parts theteof, con- tinued in the old barbarism and tumultuary state, deprived in a manner of all the blessings which that providence of our renowned Princes hath thereby afforded to it, and — which would have been the worst of all — there could have been at this time very little appearance of the Protes- tant religion here other than where the State resideth, or where the 46 THE IRISH REBELLION. CH. ci. was at last definitely abandoned. It was still worse when they learnt that the Catholic lords would be content with nothing short of toleration for their own religion, and had ventured to Toleration ^^Ic why the loyal Catholics of Ireland should fare of theCatho- -yyorsc than the rebellious Puritans of Scotland.' Such he religion asked for. things, indeed, were not said openly in the presence of the Lords Justices ; but the Committee of the Irish Peers carried the wishes of their countrymen to Whitehall, and the Queen placed liberty of worship for the Irish on the list of benefits which her husband was ready to bestow on the Catholics in the event of his receiving pecuniary assistance from Rome.'^ As part of a settled policy, Charles's offer of religious , ,^ liberty to the Irish Catholics would have been Hopes held out to the worthy of all commendation, though it was hardly likely that he would have been able to carry it into effect. In his hands it was a mere shifty expedient, from which Presidents of the Provinces do live, and in few other particular places ; . . . that if the way of Plantations should now, on the sudden, be stopped, we do apparently foresee that it will beget much discouragement and scruple amongst those already planted, and doubtless will occasion dis- turbance from the former pretendants ; . . . that, if it had been thought fit to proceed with those Plantations in Connaughl and some other Irish territories lately found for the King in Munster ; all which do amount to near a fourth part of the kingdom, where there are now few Protestants that have any considerable estates or fortunes, and the spiritual livings no way competent to support a resident ministry, where there are many ports, creeks, and havens lying open upon Spain and other kingdoms apt for trade, and fit to be inhabited by men of skill and industry ... we could little doubt to affirm that His Majesty and his heirs should tor ever, by God's blessing, have continuance of as firm rule and obedience in this king- dom as in any other his dominions. '—The Lords Justices and Council to Vane, April 24, S. P. Ireland. ' They asked ' che sia permesso la liberta di conscienza, et li Cattolici in particolare uon solo chiedono con pietoso zelo resercitio publico della Romana religione, ma spallegiati della gente da guerra, che non volse come scrissi agli ultimi comandamenti de S. M'^ sbandarsi, sono tumul- tuosamente entrati nella Chiesa Cathedrale Protestante di Dublin,' — Derry is no doubt meant — ' dove hanno fatto col concorso di molto popolo can- tare una solenne messa.'— Giustinian to the Doge, Jan. -, Ven. Tran- scripts. * See page 384. i64i 77 rO BUR.XIXG QUESTIOA'S. 47 nothing good was to be expected, and the mere suggestion of which was certain to kindle hopes which could hardly be disap- pointed with impunity. Everything seemed to be prepared to Leicester bring about a catastrophe. Almost immediately after Lord Lieu- Strafford's death Leicester had been api)ointed to tenr»nt. , the lord-lieutenancy. Instead of hastening to his post, he loitered in England with no sufficient excuse. Charles showed no sign of anxiety for his departure, and it is possible that he was well pleased to leave the field open to the execu- tion of plans in which Leicester could never be expected to concur. Whether under any circumstances an Irish national nnd Catholic parliamentary government would have been tolerant The Church of existing Protestant congregations might reasonably ^he^Lan/"'^ bc doubtcd. It was, however, certain that this ques- question. tjon of tolcration for the Church of the Irish people could not, as Charles imagined, stand alone. The 1 .and difficulty followed closely upon the heels of the Religious difficulty. To claim Ireland for the Irish, and to thrust out the intruders who were battening on Irish soil, was the inevitable complement of the demand that Irish ecclesiastical institutions should be con- stituted in accordance with the ideas of the Irish people. A wise and strong England able to repress armed resistance, and capable of doing justice to the real grievances of Irishmen Rij^ of might possibly in time have effaced the traces of that explosion. gyii which had been the work of English statesmen. Unfortunately, for more than thirty years, the English govern- ment had not been wise, and now at last it had ceased to be strong. The native population had neither been crushed nor conciliated. Full of the memories of violated rights and goaded to bitter hatred by the contemptuous indifference of the conquerors, that population was mastered by a devouring indignation which when it once burst forth would rage as a consuming flame. Irishmen had not passed through the ex- perience which had made Scotland invincible. They had not the discipline which comes of the traditions of successful war- fare waged through generations under trusted leaders. Nation- ality was with them rather a hope of far distant gain than a 48 THE IRISH REBELLION. ch. ci. precious possession bequeathed to them by their forefathers. The mass was rude and uncultivated, prone to sudden deeds of violence and to unthinking panics, cruel as children are cruel, under the sudden gust of passion or impulse. Even victory was certain to bring its own perils. Between the culti- vated gentleman of Norman descent and the rude ^^' dispossessed peasant of Ulster there was little in common. For a moment they might act together, but there could be little mutual confidence between them. The peasant's hatred of the English colonists found expres- sion in a large number of men of birth and education, who, either through their own fault or that of others, had fallen from wealth to poverty. Foremost amongst these was oger ore. j^^g^^ More. His aucestors had once been in the possession of large estates in Queen's County, which had since been lost to the family. Merging his private grievance in the general grievances of his countrymen, he acquired their con- fidence by his force of character. ' " God and our Lady be our- assistance, and Roger More," was an expression often to be heard on Irish lips. His attractive force was increased by his blindness to all except the nobler side of the object at stake, and he was able to inspire others with courage because he spoke from his heart of the cause in which he was engaged as one which appealed only to the purest and most elevated senti- ments of human nature. It is to his credit that, when he found himself face to face with the grim realities which his own enthusiasm had evoked, he risked his life to put a check upon the foul deeds which clouded the accomplishment of his pur- pose, and at last stood aside from the conflict rather than win success through a mist of tears and blood. Another leader of less commanding ability, but of higher position, was Sir Phelim O'Neill. He was the grandson of Sir Phelim ^"^ O'Neill who had taken the side of the English O'Neill. Government after the flight of the Earls, and, now that Tyrone's son had died without issue, he regarded himself as the heir to the chieftainship of the sept. The patriotism of Lord Maguire, like that of More and O'Neill, was not uninfluenced by personal considerations. He 1 64 1 . A PROJECTED RISING. 49 was a young man overwhelmed by debt, and he had therefore Lord everything to gain by a commotion. He might not Mag^iire. Q^\y relieve his estate from the burden which weighed heavily upon it, but he might hope to regain the authority which had been exercised by his ancestors in Fermanagh. The first serious plan for rising in vindication of the claims of Irishmen to the soil seems to have been entertained in February. February, though the idea had not been absent from plan of" ^^^^ minds of the natives during many years. The rising. scheme received a strong impulsion from the news brought from A\"estminster by every post. The English Parlia- ment was evidently bent on treating Catholics with a harshness to which they had long been unaccustomed, and there was no reason to suppose that the Catholics of Ireland would be dealt with more gently than their brethren in England. " Undoubt- edly," said More, " the Parliament now in England will suppress the Catholic religion."' The English Government would have had little to fear if it had had only to deal with a few discontented gentlemen. The gravity of the situation arose from the fact that the Signs of fears and hopes of these gentlemen were shared by trou e. jj^^ whole of the native population of the country. When, as had been at first intended, the disbanded army was on the march for the place where it was to have taken ship for foreign service, the soldiers were advised by priests and friars not to leave the country ' although they lived only on bread and milk, for that there might be use for them here.'^ There can be no doubt that the Irish believed that they were called on to act in self-defence. It cannot have been unknown to them that if the Lords Justices and the Council could have their way they would proceed to a fresh partition of Irish land, and to a fresh attack upon the Catholic clerg^.^ Amongst an ignorant ' Carte's Orniond, i. 156. Maguire's Relation, Nalson, ii. 543. 2 Captain Serle's evidence, June 9, S. P. Ireland. ^ The Protestant Archbishop of Tuam complained about this time that the titular Archbishop is ' plentifully maintained, generally respected, fee-is of the best, and it is a strife betwixt the great ones which shall be happy in being the host of such a guest.' He adds that the country suffered VOL. X. E 50 777^ IRISH REBELLION. CH. ci. and impulsive people, it was only too natural that belief should outstrip actual fact. Irishmen were soon firmly convinced that the English Parliament had declared its resolution to extirpate Irish Catholicism, and that the Lords Justices had openly ex- pressed their determination to carry out its orders. In intriguing with the Catholic Lords, Charles was applying a lighted match to a magazine of gunpowder. One day in August. August Sir James Dillon met Lord Maguire in Dub- Diiiin'^ro- li"' ^"*^ proposed to him, in the name of the colonels poses to seize of the disbaudcd armv, to seize the Castle with the help Dublin _ ' ' _ i Castle. of the Catholic Lords. Influential Irishmen would TheCathoiic ^j- ^j^g game time surprise other fortified posts. The Lords refuse ^ _ _' to join him. Lords, howcver, drew back, possibly wishing to act by the King's orders rather than in combination with irresponsible adventurers. Maguire and his immediate friends resolved to take an independent course. They were in correspondence with Owen Roe O'Neill, a brave and active officer in the Spanish service in the Netherlands, and he had promised to send arms for 10,000 men. It was finally arranged that an insurrection in the North should take place on the same day as the seizure of Dublin Castle, and after some hesitation October 23 was fixed on for the attempt.' grievously in having to pay a double clerg}'. The people, in multitudes, daily resorted to ' the mass-houses. ' In Galway mass was said with such publicity ' that the well-affected English ... at the daily hearing of the same as they go about their business in the street are much wounded in conscience.' The natives thought it hard to have to pay to the Protestant clergy a less sum than they paid cheerfully to their own priests. S. P. Ireland. It takes some effort now to understand that all this was written with complete seriousness. ' Maguire's Helaiion, Nalson, ii. 543. The probability that the Lords held back in order to await instructions from the King, is much increased if we accept the detailed statement in The Mystery of hjiquity (E. 76), by Edward Bowles, that the Irish Committee returned to Ireland ' the same month His Majesty went for Scotland,' namely August, ' leaving the Lord Dillon who was presently after sent with the Queen's letters, requesting or requiring his being made Councillor of Ireland, to His Majesty then at Edinburgh.' If, as seems likely, Lord Dillon was to bring the King's last instructions, of which I shall have something to say later, this would ac- count for the Lords' hesitation. Such evidence as this can only furnish 1 64 1 . THE NORTHERN PLOTTERS. 51 Early in October a congress of priests and laymen was held in Westmeath in the Abbey of Multyfarnham. The question October, was agitated what course was to be taken with the Mui?yfam/ English and other Protestants. The friars, fol- ham. lowed by many who were present, urged, on every consideration of religion and policy, that there should be no massacre. Treat the Englishj they said, as the Spaniards treated the Moors, sending them back to their own country with at least some part of their property. Others argued that no way was so safe as a general slaughter. Banished men might come back with swords in their hands. It was evident that, before all was over, there would be wild work in Ireland. ^ Some vague warnings had reached the Lords Justices from time to time. It was not till the evening of October 22, the „^ . day before the intended surprise, that they were Warnings of danger. roused from their lethargy. On that day Lord Oct. 22. Maguire and Hugh Mac Mahon were in Dublin with Stra^'ed eighty men, ready for the next day's work. Amongst these men was a certain Owen O'ConoUy, whose name and birth had pointed him out as a fitting instrument for the design. Unluckily for the conspirators, the man was a Protestant in the service of Sir John Clotworthy. Concealing his real opinions, he contrived to escape, made his way to Parsons, and told all that he knew. He had learned, he said, indications, not proofs. What is remarkable is that they all point in the same direction. Lord Antrim's statement is that the second message from the King was sent from York by Captain Digby, and that in it Charles directed that the dislmnded army should be brought together again, • and that an army should immediately be raised in Ireland that should declare for him against the Parliament of England, and to do what was therein necessary and convenient for his service.' Antrim says that he informed Lord Gormanston, Lord Slane, and others in Leinster, and after going into Ulster he communicated the same to many there, but that ' the fools . . . well liking the business would not expect our time or manner for ordering the work, but fell upon it without us, and sooner, and otherwise than we should have done, taking to themselves, and in their own way, the managing of the work, and so spoiled it.' — Cox, Hibernia Anglicana, ii. 208. ' Jones's Re/nonstrance, 31. E 2 52 THE IRISH REBELLION. CH. ci. from Mac Mahon, that the projected seizure of the Castle was but a small part of the enterprise. The next morning every Englishman in Dublin was to be slaughtered. All the Protes- tants in other towns were to be put to death that very night. There is every reason to believe that this promiscuous massacre did not enter into the plan of the conspirators. O'Conolly, and perhaps Mac Mahon as well, had been drinking heavily. ^ Exag- gerated or not, the information must have fallen on the Lords Justices like a thunderbolt. To meet the danger they Weakness of , , , . , . , , j • the English had at their disposal only 3,000 men, scattered in *'^'"^" small detachments over the whole face of the country. More than twice that number of those soldiers who had been lately disciplined by the King's orders, that they might serve him against his Scottish and, possibly, against his English subjects, were also to be found in Ireland, but they were far more likely to join the rebels than to fight against them. The Government had hardly a shilling to dispose of The con- spirators had chosen a moment when the King's half-yearly rents and dues were still unpaid, and it was now most unlikely that they would ever be paid at all. Of the population of Ire- land about nine-elevenths might be reckoned as Catholics by creed, and verj.- nearly as large a proportion as Celtic by race. The city of Dublin had no fortifications, except those of the Castle, and, in deference to the constitutional objections of Parliament, not a single soldier was billeted in the city. It was calculated that in Dublin itself there were fifteen Catholics to one Protestant. The garrison of the Castle consisted of six aged warders and forty halberdiers, maintained for display in ceremonies of State. ^ The Lords Justices and the Council did all that was in their power. Maguire and Mac Mahon were seized. Seizure of Mac Mahon declared proudly that ' what was that day Mac Mahon ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ -^^ ^^.j^^^. ^^^^^ ^^ ^j^^ country, was so far Maguire. advauccd by that time, as it was impossible for the wit of man to prevent it.' "I am now in your hands," he ended 1 O'Conolly's examination, Temple's Irish Rebellion, 19. ' Carte's Ormond, i. 168. i64i DUBLIN AND ULSTER. 53 by saying, " use me as you will. I am sure I shall be shortly revenged." • Dublin at least was saved. An able soldier, Sir Francis Willoughby,^ was placed in command of the Castle, and made p^yin a show of defence which imposed on the multitude saved. ^j]| ^ sufficient garrison could be obtained. For a time the whole city was given up to rumours. It was said that 10,000 rebels were already encamped on the Hill of Tara, seventeen miles from Dublin. At another time it was said that the rebels were actually marching through the streets of the city.' In truth, the seizure of the leaders had deprived the conspiracy of its guides. The rift between the Catholics of English birth who hoped for a toleration granted by the King, and the Catholics of Irish birth who wished for an agrarian revolution was already to be descried. It was afterwards to widen into a breach which would be fatal to all national action in Ireland. Anxiously the handful of English Protestants in Dublin waited for news from Ulster. On the night of the 23rd it was known that Monaghan had risen, English posts had News from been seized, and Englishmen had been plundered. At Newry, where there was a fort, the insurgents had overpowered the garrison, and had armed themselves out of the King's stores. Not a word was heard of the death of a single Englishman. These things, however, had taken place on the south-eastern edge of Ulster. It was impossible for any eye to penetrate through the veil to see what deeds might have been done behind it. The great difficulty of the Lords Justices was to know what to do with the Catholic Peers. They dared neither trust them nor alienate them. They made a show of Oct. 24. -' The Lords Confidence by placing in their hands a few arms for ° ' ^ ^^' the defence of their houses in the country, but they prudently prorogued the Parliament, which was shortly to have ' Examination of Mac Mahon, L. J. iv. 416. * The man who had once been challenged by Falkland. ' Temple, 24. 54 THE IRISH REBELLION. CH. ci. met. On the 25 th they despatched to Leicester an account of Oct. 25. all that they as yet knew of their danger.' On November i the despatch of the Lords Justices was read in both Houses at Westminster. Only one result was Nov. I. possible. Under no circumstances was the English Feeling in Parliament likely to feel any sympathy with the Parliament, grievances of the native Irish. In the face of a rebellion which threatened to sweep away the name and creed of Englishmen from Ireland, there was no room in the minds of Lords and Commons for any feeling save one of wrath and Votes of horror. They voted that 50,000/. should be borrowed Parliament. ^^^ |.|^g supprcssion of the rcbels, that Leicester should be requested to proceed at once to Dublin, and that 8,000 men should be raised to give effectual help to the colonists. In order that no time might be lost, they directed that volun- teers should be invited to give in their names at once for the service. Having done thus much, the Houses turned their attention to the root of the mischief, which they conceived to lie in the Nov 2 Queen's Court. Father Philips was sent for to give Imprison- evidence before the Lords. He was much alarmed. Father thinking that Hamilton had betrayed the secret of ' '^^' the Queen's negotiation with Rome. He therefore raised the preliminary objection that he could not be sworn on the English Bible. The Lords, who knew nothing of the secret which he wished to conceal, took offence, and committed him to the Tower without any further attempt to obtain evidence from him.- All this was done without a single dissentient voice. On one point opinion was divided. The King, startled with the ' The Lords Justices to Leicester, Oct. 25, Rushiuorth, iv. 399. If the Lords Justices had intended to proclaim toleration for the Catholics they might have trusted the Irish Lords, but hardly otherwise. '^ L. J. iv. 418. Rossetti to Barberini, March ^g, R. O. Transcripts. It is to be noted that whilst modern writers often dwell on the facility with which Pym accepted false rumours against the Catholics, Rossetti's mind is occupied with fears lest he should come to the knowledge of the true state of the case. i64i THE ADDITIONAL INSTRUCTION. 55 wild shape which his intrigue with the Irish Lords had taken, Nov. 4. ^^^ asked the Scottish Parliament to assist in the Were Scot- rcductjon of the rebels. The Scottish Parliament tisn troops to be em- conscntcd, and the English Parliament was asked to ^°^^ ■ accept the offer thus made. Falkland and Culpepper, dreading lest Scottish troops might again give the law to Eng- land, raised objections. Their objections were, however, over- ruled, and the Scots were told that if they would send i,ooo men into Ulster, the English Parliament would willingly take them into pay.' On the next day the House proceeded to draw up instruc- j^^^ ^ tions for the Parliamentary Committee in Scotland. Instructions Then Pym rose. He said that he would be sur- to the Com- , , . ,. .- ... mittee in passcd by no man m readmess to sacrifice life and estate in that cause. But as long as the King gave duiSlaffn- ^^^ ^'^ the evil counsellors by whom he was sur- stniction for roundcd all that Parliament could do would be in triG rGmo\3.i ofcounsei- vain. He moved an Additional Instruction, to the lors. effect that unless the King would remove those counsellors and 'take such as might be approved by Parlia- ment ' they would not hold themselves bound to assist him in Ireland. It was a startling proposal. Hyde opposed it as a menace to the King. Waller said that it was a declaration that the House was absolved from its duty, as Strafford had declared the King to be absolved from all rules of government. Waller was forced to ask pardon for his words, but it would seem that even Pym's own followers refused to support him further, as he was obliged to consent to the ad- journment of the debate.^ On the following day the House • A^alson, ii. 600. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. AfSS. cl.xii. fol. 60 b. ^ D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 100 b. It is extremely diffi- cult to realise Pym's position with respect to the Popish Plot. We do not know how much he knew, and we certainly do not ourselves know all. Here, for instance, is a sudden half-light thrown by a letter of Cardinal Barberini's. After speaking of the treatment of the King by the Scottish Parliament, he adds ' et il Principe d'Oranges stia con non puoca afflitione dovendo mandare il figlio in Inghilterra, sapendo che vi manda incerto se 56 THE IRISH REBELLION. CH. ci. deliberately rejected his motion.' On the 8th he reproduced it in a modified form. After a complaint that the miseries of Nov. 8. past years had originated in the malice of persons ad- fie^s'hiT"'''' niitted into very near places of council and authority proposal. about the King, and that there was strong reason to believe that others had been ' contriving by violence to suppress the liberty of Parliament, and endanger the safety of those who have opposed such wicked and pernicious courses,' the Com- mons were asked to declare that they feared lest the same persons would divert the aids granted for the suppression of the rebellion in Ireland ' to the fomenting and cherishing of it there, and encouraging some such like attempts by the Papists „, „. and ill-affected subjects in England.' They were to name thcrcforc humbly to beseech his Majesty 'to employ approved by Only such counscllors and ministers as should be Parliament ; j l i • -n i • ^ i approved by his Parliament. theCom^ "If herein," the Commons were further to say, "l-ovide for " "^^^ Majesty shall not vouchsafe to condescend to Ireland our humblc supplication — although we shall always without the . '■ ^ , ° . -^ King. continue, with reverence and faithfulness to his per- son and to the Crown, to perform those duties of service and obedience to which by the laws of God and this kingdom we are obliged — yet we shall be forced, in discharge of the trust potra riportarne in quk la spesa et forze del ritorno del medesimo figliolo.' Barberini to Rossetti, Nov. -^, R. O. Transcripts. What can be meant ' 23 ■" by this except that the young Prince was to have come to England with ulterior designs, in some way to help Charles after a successful return from Scotlarfd ? Barberini says that he derived his knowledge from France. Again in a letter of —.. ' ~_ , Rossetti says that when the King was in Scot- land he wished to form a good council of war ' di gente di Regno et ancora di forastieri. ' Of the former he applied to Bristol, Lennox, Winchester, and Clanrickard ' e benche questi due fussero Cattolici se sentiva pero dal Re volontieri il loro parere, mostrando medesimamente S. M'* propensione grande verso gl' Hibernesi.' Of the foreigners the Prince of Orange was chiefly thought of ' ancorche al presente non si sappia, come si scrive, cbe cosa possa succedere del matrimonio, et anche fu parlato del Duca di Buglione et si stimava buon' soldato il Duca della Valletta.' ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. loS b. C. J. ii. 301. 1 64 1 .A REVOLUTIONARY MOTION. 57 which we owe to the State, and to those whom we represent, to resolve upon some such way of defending Ireland from the rebels, as may concur to the securing of ourselves from such mischievous counsels and designs as have lately been and still are in practice and agitation against us, as we have just cause to believe ; and to commend those aids and contributions which this great necessity shall require, to the custody and dis- posing of such persons of honour and fidelity as we have cause to confide in."^ Thus modified, Pym's Additional Instruction was almost more startling than it had been in its original shape. Cul- Pym carries pcppsr declared that Ireland was part of England, his motion. ^,-1^ ought to be defended whatever might be the result. Even D'Ewes argued that, if a neighbour's house were on fire it would be the duty of those who were near to quench the conflagration without a preliminary inquiry into the moral character of the householder. Pym, however, held his ground, and carried his resolution by the considerable majority of 1 5 1 to 1 1 0.2 Undoubtedly no proposal of so distinctly revolutionary a character had yet been adopted by the Commons. The Act Revolution- taking away the King's right of dissolution had, after fe7o'?t'hT ^^^' ^^^^ Charles in possession of such powers as law proposal. 2^\A custom had confided to him. The Additional Instruction seized upon the executive power itself, so far at least as Ireland was concerned. Yet it would be hard to say that Pym was not justified in what he did. No doubt he ex- aggerated the mischief which Charles's counsellors were likely to do. But, after every allowance has been made, the fact remains that for the space of a whole year, Charles's relations with Parliament had been one long intrigue. The probabilities of his future action had to be estimated with the help of the knowledge gained of his character through the two Army Plots and the Incident. It can now hardly be doubted that Charles would not have submitted to that which he regarded as the unconstitutional authority of Parhament a moment longer than he could help. ' Z. J. iv. 431. - D'Ewes's Diary, Had. MSS. clxii. fol. 108 b. 58 THE IRISH REBELLION. CH. ci. Yet even those who admit that this was true, may ask whether Pym was wise in deciding to anticipate the conflict. Every effort „, „ which Charles had hitherto made to bring force to Was Pyra . • i t-- j wise in bear on Parhament had failed miserably. Every de- "^ '"^^ ■ tected plot had only served to bring into clearer light the unanimity of both Houses and of both parties in the face of such dangers as these. Neither Hyde nor Falkland in the Commons, nor Bristol in the Lords, had any wish to see Par- liament the mere creature of the King. Up to the end of October, greatly as the strain of this situation would have tried the patience of the most enduring statesman, Pym's wisest course undoubtedly had been to stand on the defensive, relying on the nation itself to resist any rash act of the King's. Charles had no longer any military force openly at hand ; and even if he thought himself able to rely on some occult support, it was in the highest degree improbable that he would have skill enough to avail himself of it at the critical moment. Since the last week in October all such considerations had lost their weight. Whatever else might be the result of the An arm '^v^^^ Rebellion, it was certain that a new army must necessar>-. ^g called iuto cxistcncc to suppress it, and that if this army were officered by the King's creatures, it would be danger- ous to the Parliamentary liberties of England. The risk of military violence from the discredited, ill-discipUned army of the North in the spring and summer was nothing to the risk of military violence if it was to come from an army flushed with victory and steeled to discipline under leaders which it had learned to trust. It might be argued indeed that the suppres- sion of the rebellion was a matter of such transcendent im- portance that the House was bound to run the risk of seeing the establishment of a military despotism in England rather than interpose the slightest delay in the transmission of succour to the endangered colony. Such, however, was not the view of Pym, and those who adopt it must carry the argument into a region too purely speculative to make it in any way necessary to follow them. Nor was it only in respect to Ireland that the majority of the Commons was laying hands on the e.xecutive powers. Two i64i • CROMWELL'S PROPOSAL. 59 days earlier Cromwell had carried a motion that the Lords Nov. 6. should be asked to join in a vote giving Essex power luovTsTo from the House to command the trained bands E^seTwith south of the Trent in defence of the kingdom. It is theTrahred ^"^^^ ^^^^'^ ""'^'^ ^^'''^^ °"'y ^^'^"'^^ Essex had authority from bands. the King to do ; but the addition of a clause ' that this power ' might ' continue till this Parliament shall take further orders ' was an open attack on the prerogative. ' Whether Pym's motion were justifiable or not, it was the signal for the final conversion of the Episcopalian party into a ^^^^ g Royalist party. That party, in a minority in the Com- The Epis- mons, was in a majority in the Lords. To baffle the copauan t-> • i i i • party now PuHtans had now become its chief object. For the, °^^ '^ ■ sake of that it was ready to trust the King, and to take its chance of what the Irish campaign might bring forth. On , the religious ground there was no longer any hope of com- ' promise. Neither party had sufificient breadth of view to per- ceive the necessity of giving satisfaction to the legitimate demands of the other.^ Diffident of support in the Upper House, the leaders of the majority in the Commons fell back upon the people. The often- The Re- proposcd and often-postponed Remonstrance was read monstrance in the Lower House before the close of the eventful read. sittmg of the 8th, and it was ordered that its considera- tion, clause by clause, should commence on the following day. In the oblivion which falls even upon the proceedings of ' C. y. ii. 305. D'Ewes's Diar>', Ilarl. MSS. clxii. fol. 106 b. - The state of feeling in the Upper House is well expressed in the following extract : — "The Bill for removing the bishops out of our House sticks there, and whether we shall get it passed or not is very doubtful, unless some assurance be given that the rooting out of the function is not intended. The House of Commons have made a Remonstrance," i.e. the Additional Instruction, "and have desired us to join them in it, wherein they do, in the general, humbly pray His Majesty that he would be pleased to change his counsels, and for the future not to admit of any Councillor or Minister of State, but such as the Parliament shall approve of, and may confide in. This stops likewise in our House, and I believe will hardly pass with us without some alteration." — Northumberland to Roe, Nov. 12, S. P. Dom. 6o THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE. CH. Ci. the most famous of Parliaments, this Remonstrance— the Grand Its import- Remonstrance, as posterity has agreed to call it — ^"'=''- stands out as the starting-point of a new quarrel. To the historian, it is but a link in the chain of causation which was hurrying the nation into a civil war. So much of it as re- lated to religion was an answer to the King's declaration in support of the doctrine and discipline of the Church which had recenrty been circulated amongst the Peers. ^ In political matters it merely defined the position taken up by the Commons in the Additional Instruction. That which specially distinguished it, was the intention of its framers to use it as an appeal to the nation, rather than as an address to the Crown. It was not in the nature of things that a document thus pre- pared should contain a purely uncoloured description of past Its charac- events. If Charles had drawn up a similar narrative '^''- it would probably have been stained by equal ex- aggeration. Even writers the most prejudiced in favour of Royalty, if they only look facts in the face, have to assign a large share of blame for the misfortunes of this reign to Charles himself. It is no wonder that the authors of the Remonstrance assigned to him the whole. It was not to be expected that they should have discovered that they had themselves made many mistakes, and were likely to make many more, or that they should have avoided exaggerating the importance of that Catho- lic intrigue which, as we now know, was no mere creation of their own fancy. The root of the mischief, they said, ' was a malignant and pernicious design of subverting the fundamental laws and prin- Attack on ciples of government, upon which the religion and the'Catho- justice of the kingdom' were 'firmly established.' bishops, and T^his dcsigu was entertained by the Papists, the counsellors, bishops, and the evil counsellors. These men had fomented differences between the King and his people, had suppressed the purity and power of religion, had favoured Arminians, and had depressed those whom they called Puritans. They had countenanced 'such opinions and ceremonies' as " See page 39. i64i . PAST MISGOVERNMENT. 6i were ' fittest for accommodation with Popery, to increase ignor- ance, looseness, and profaneness in the people.' Further, they had done their best to alienate the King from his subjects by suggesting other ways of supply than ' the ordinary course of subsidies.' If this was but a caricature, it was at least a caricature founded on truth. " Motives were supplied or exaggerated, but the tendency of the acts which had been done was very much what the Remonstrance alleged it to have been. Then followed a long list of enormities, commencing with tlie very beginning of the reign. The Remonstrance told of Acts of the hasty dissolution of the Oxford Parliament, of the go^^emment d'sasters of Buclcmgham's government, the breach of recounted ^^g privileges of the Commons, the imposition of unparliamentary taxation, the tyranny of the Ecclesiastical Courts, the niiposition of a new Pra)er Book on Scotland, fol- lowed by violent action against the Scots, and by the dissolution of the Short Parliament for its refusal to abet the designs of the Court against its brethren in the North. Then came a list of the good deeds of the existing Parliament. Wrong and op- pression had been beaten down, and had been made legally impossible in the future. What was now needed was security. The authors of the two Army Plots had been busy in Ireland, and had ' kindled such a fire as nothing but God's infinite blessing upon the wisdom and endeavours of this State had been able to quench it' After this came a complaint against the bishops, and against the recusant lords who had returned to their places after the , . excitement about the Protestation had cooled down. Complaint . . against the They wcre charged with frustratmg all the efforts after bishops and . i i i /^ the recusant reformation made by the Commons. '°''''^' AVhat were these efforts after reformation ? On this all-important point, Pym had as little chance of arriving at a satisfactory solution as Hyde. He was animated by no large spirit of comprehension or toleration. He had no broad remedy to propose, which would give to all men as much as they could legitimately claim. He was as unready to listen to Brooke's plea for the worship of the conventicle, as he was un- 62 THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE. CH. ci. ready to listen to Hyde's plea for the worship of the cathedral. From one party as loudly as from the other was heard the cry for uniformity of doctrine and discipline. " They infuse into the people," said the authors of the Re- monstrance, "that we mean to abolish all Church government, and leave every man to his own fancy for the service mons are and worship of God, absolving him of that obedience ca umniate . ^^j^j^]^ j^g owes undcr God unto His Majesty, whom we know to be entrusted with the ecclesiastical law as well as with the temporal, to regulate all the members of the Church of England, by such rules of order and discipline as are estab- lished by Parliament, which is his great council in all affairs, both in Church and State. " We 'confess our intention is, and our endeavours have been, to reduce within bounds that exorbitant power which the prelates have assumed unto themselves, so contrary of Church both to the Word of God and to the laws of the iscipine. \^^^^ jQ which end we passed the Bill for the re- moving them from their temporal power and employments ; that so the better they might with meekness apply themselves to the discharge of their functions, which Bill themselves opposed, and were the principal instruments of crossing. " And we do here declare that it is far from our purpose or desire to let loose the golden reins of discipline and govern- ment in the Church, to leave private persons or particular congregations to take up what form of Divine service they please ; for we hold it requisite that there should be throughout the whole realm a conformity to that order which the laws enjoin according to the Word of God. And we desire to un- burden the consciences of men of needless and superstitious ceremonies, suppress innovations, and take away the monu- ments of idolatry. "And the better to effect the intended reformation, we desire there may be a general synod of the most grave, pious, learned, and judicious divines of this island, assisted with some from foreign parts professing the same religion with us ; who may consider of all things necessary for the peace and good government of the Church, and represent the results of their i64i - SECURITY FOR THE FUTURE. 63 consultations unto the Parliament, to be there allowed and confirmed, and receive the stamp of authority, thereby to find passage and obedience throughout the kingdom." The whole contention of the party of the Grand Remon- strance, the whole root of the baleful tree of Civil War, lay in Position these words. " The malignant party," they went on taken up. ^q gg^y^ « {.gU the peoplc that our meddling with the power of Episcopacy hath caused sectaries and conventicles, when idolatry and Popish ceremonies introduced into the Church by command of the Bishops have not only debarred the people from thence, but expelled them from the kingdom. Thus, with Elijah, we are called by this malignant party the troublers of the State, and still, while we endeavour to reform their abuses, they make us the authors of those mischiefs we study to prevent." " No Popery ! " was the cry on one side. " No sectarian meeting ! " was the cry on the other. " No toleration ! " was the cry on both.' In the face of such divisions of heart and mind every claim for increase of political power had the ring of faction in it. Yet it was impossible that the demand made in the a responsible Additional Instruction should be passed over in the ministry. Remonstrauce. Charles was asked to employ such councillors, ambassadors, and other ministers in managing his business at home and abroad as the Parliament might have cause to confide in. Otherwise no supplies could be given. It would not be enough to allow the right of impeachment. " It may often fall out that the Commons may have just cause to take exceptions at some men for being Councillors, and yet not ' A contemporary letter well brings this out. "Troubles ... I believe will not yet cease until the business of religion be better settled, and the sectaries and separatists (whereof in London and the parts con- tiguous are more than many) may be suppressed and punished. . . . Oft times we have more printed than is true, especially when anything con- cerns the Papists, who (though they are bad enough) our preciser sort strive yet to make them worse, and between them both are the causes that in no discoveries we can hardly meet with the face of truth." — Wiseman to Pennington, Nov. 11, S. P. Dom, 64 THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE. CH. ci. charge those men with crimes, for there be grounds of diffidence which he not in proof. There are others which, though they may be proved, yet are not legally criminal." Politically Pym — and Pym may fairly be regarded as the main author of the Remonstrance — was far in advance of his Character of Opponents. The position which had been taken by Pym's work. j}-jg Houscs, witli the full conscnt of both parties, was incomplete without the subordination of the Executive to Par- liament. If Pym was in the wrong, it was not here that his mistake was made. On the 9th the Remonstrance underwent a closer examina- tion. Fresh paragraphs were added, embodying additional Nov. 9. grievances which had been omitted in the original The Re- draft. No opposition, so far as is now known, was monstrance '^ '^ ' _ _ ' _ discussed. offered to those clauses in which the King's past mis- government was set forth in detail. During the discussion of the first two days not a single division is reported to have been taken. • Once more the attention of the House was called off by bad news from Ireland. Before the first week of the rebellion Nov. n. was over it had developed itself in the direction of Worse news ^^<^ savagcry which inevitably attends the uprising of Ireland. a population Suffering under grievous wrongs, without the habit of self restraint which is the most precious fruit of the Oct. 24. higher civilisation. It is true that on October 24. Sir O'Neill's Phelim O'Neill made known by proclamation that no proclaina- _ . -^ ' tion. harm was intended either against the King or against any of his subjects.^ It is just possible that in some dreamy way- he may have contemplated a revolution in which all wrongs , should be righted without effusion of blood. The No general ^ massacre. f^^t was far Otherwise. There was, indeed, no general massacre in the North. ^ The Scots who formed the majority ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 116 b. 121 b. 2 Proclamation, Oct, 24. S. P. Ireland. * If a general massacre had taken place, it must have left traces in the Carte MSS. and the State Papers. On Sir John Temple as an authority, see Lecky, Hist, of England, ii. 149. I take this opportunity of express- ing my extreme admiration for Mr. Lecky's account of the Irish Rebel- i64i THE RISING IN ULSTER. 65 of the colonists were spared, apparently on some notion that, the cause of nationality being common to Scotland and Ireland, they were not to be regarded as enemies. Nor were the English put to the sword in a body. The condition of the settlers was, however, scarcely less pitiable. In the first week of the re- bellion the greater part of the fortified posts in the North of Ireland fell into the hands of the rebels. Freed from appre- hension the wild multitude swooped down upon every English homestead, and thrust out the possessors to fare as best they Violence and flight. It was not in the nature of things that violence murder. should stop there. Two classes of Englishmen were specially exposed to danger — the officials who had enforced the payment of dues to the Crown, and the clergy who had drawn their maintenance from an impoverished people of another faith. From these classes victims were early chosen, A far larger number fell a sacrifice to the wild brutality of ferocious and „ , excited mobs than to any deliberate purpose of ven- siaughter in gcance. Worst of all were the deeds of the Maguires ermanag . j^ Fermanagh. Exasperated by the imprisonment of Lord Maguire, they killed, if report spoke truly, no less than three hundred English on the first day of the outbreak. Even when the leaders of the natives were inclined to spare the prisoners, they were unable to secure them against the brutality of their followers. It sometimes happened that the guard appointed to conduct the former masters of the soil to a place of safety, was driven off by the rude country-people, and the sad procession, clogged with helpless women and children, found its close in murder. No attempt was made to bury the victims. The stripped corpses lay about till the hungry dogs left nothing but scattered bones to bleach on the ground.' lion. Having examined a large mass of original material amongst the State Papers and the Carte A/SS., I have been surprised to find how, even when he has not himself gone through the work of reference to MS. autho- rities, he almost always contrives to hit the truth. ' Deposition of T. Grant, Feb. 9, 1642 (Carte MSS. ii. fol. 346). The deponent, who was examined on oath, says that, being in Fermanagh on Oct. 23, he heard that Mr. Champion w.is killed and his company mur- dered. He himself escaped, and, being retaken, was carried to Clones to VOL. X. F 66 THE IRISH REBELLIOh. CH. ci. In Cavan, on the other hand, Phihp O'Reilly, who headed the rebellion, set his face against cruelty and murder. In Bel- Stateof turbet, he gave leave to about 800 English settlers to Cavan. carry some of their property with them. A mixed multitude of men, women, and children, set out for Dublin. "That night" — so the Rector told the story in after years — " we all lay in open field. Next day we were met by a party of the rebels, who killed some, robbed and spoiled the rest. Me they stripped to my shirt in miserable weather ; my wife was not so barbarously used ; both of us, with a multitude of others, hurried to Moien Hall. That night we lay in heaps, expecting every hour to be massacred." At last they reached Kilmore, where they were received by Bedell, in w-hose con- versation they enjoyed for three weeks 'a heaven upon earth.' Three weeks • later they were sent on to Dublin, where they ^„ , .. arrived personally unhurt.^ Another body of fugitives The fugitives ' . •' . from from the neighbourhood of Belturbet said to have Belturbet. , , ^ ^ amounted to 2,000, was sent on under a guard 01 200 Irish. For eight or ten miles the guards performed their duty well. Then they found that the whole country-side was roused. The warm clothes of the hated English would be a ])recious possession in the cold winter nights which were approaching. It was but a moment's work to rush upon the helpless crowd, to strip both men and women to the skin, and to send them on in their misery. Irish women and Irish children rushed to the spoil even more savagely than the men. If com- passion left to some of the poor creatures a bare rag wherewith to cover their nakedness, it was snatched away when the next hovels were reached. About a hundred perished on the way from cold and hunger. The remainder were hounded on with fiendish mockery to Dublin, the city of refuge. One who told be hanged, but was reprieved. He then mentions hearing of the hanging of twenty-one Enghsh prisoners at Carrigmacross, of two others at Mona- ghan, of the murdering of nineteen persons elsewhere. The mention of these particulars shows that he did not know of a universal massacre. ' Thus far the story is taken from the letter of the Bishop of Elphin to Ormond, May 4, 1682, Carte MSS. xxxix. 365. At the time of the Re- bellion the Bishop was Rector of Belturbet. 1641 . • BARBARITIES IN ULSTER. 67 the tale gave thanks to God that, as amongst the shipwrecked companions of St. Paul, 'some came to land on planks, some on broken pieces of the ship, so some have passed these pikes, some with torn clothes and rags, some with rolls of hay about their middles, some with sheep-skins and goat-skins, and some of the riflers themselves exchanged their tattered rags for the travellers' better clothes.'' Other more deliberate murders were perpetrated over the face of Northern Ireland. Protestant ministers and Protestant Further settlcrs wcre hung or stabbed. Unless the belief outrages. Qf thosc who cscaped far outran the reality, simple death would have been to many a dearly prized relief. It was at least believed that noses and ears were cut oft in sheer brutality, that women were foully outraged, and that ' some | women had their hands and arms cut off, yea, jointed alive to make them confess where their money was.'^ At Portadown a large number of persons were flung from the bridge into the river to drown. At Corbridge a similar tragedy was enacted. Tales of unimaginable brutality were afterwards collected from the mouths of those who had escaped from those awful scenes — tales swollen, we may hope and believe, by the credulity of fear, and which were often exaggerated by the credulity of superstition. The same testimony that was taken as evidence of the murders was taken as evidence of the visible appearance of the ghosts of the murdered. Statements were collected from excited fugitives, ready to believe the worst, and to tell all that they had heard, as well as all that they knew, perhaps under pressure from Commissioners who were anxious that the story which they elicited should be as horrible as it could be. It does not, however, follow that all was pure invention or the result of credulity. There is nothing to make the commission • A Brief Dcclaraiion of the Bafbarotis and Iti/nima7t Dcalins; of the Northern Irish Rebels. By G. S., Minister of God's Word in Ireland, E. 181. This was written soon after the Rebellion broke out, and has about it a moderation which inspires confidence. It is probable that the number of the fugitives is over-estimated, and it is possible that some of the 800 mentioned by the Bishop of Elphin made part of the body. '•^ This is from the Brief Declaration. ¥ 2 68 THE IRISH REBELLION. CH. ci. of these barbarous actions antecedently improbable, and the historian may be content to record his behef that if any truthful narrative of those days could be recovered, it would be found to support neither the views of those who argue that the tales of unnatural cruelty are entirely to be rejected, nor of those who would admit every one of them as satisfactorily proved.' Terrible as these scenes were, the victims were for the most part those who were driven naked through the cold November nights amidst a population which refused to them a scanty covering or a morsel of food in their hour of trial. To the Irish it seemed mercy enough when no actual blow was struck against the flying rout. Men hardly beyond middle age could remember the days when Mountjoy had harried Ulster, and when the sunken ej'e and the pallid cheek of those who had been dearest to them had told too surely of the pitiless might of the Englishman. Of the number of the persons murdered at the beginning of the outbreak it is impossible to speak with even approximate certainty. Clarendon speaks of 40,000, and wilder esti- How many ^_ _ ' > i i persons were mates Still give 200,000 or even 300,000. Even the smallest number is ridiculously impossible. The estimated numbers of the Scots in Ulster were 100,000, and of the English only 20,000. For the time the Scots were spared. In Fermanagh, where the victims fared most badly, a Puritan officer boasted not long afterwards that he had rescued 6,000. Thousands of robbed and plundered fugitives escaped with their lives to find shelter in Dublin. On the whole, it would be safe to conjecture that the number of those slain in cold blood at the beginning of the rebellion could hardly have much ' Mr. Gilbert, in X^o. Eighth Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission, has given an account of the celebrated Depositions. They will, however, soon be accessible in print, as they are being edited by Miss Mary Hickson. I am sorry that I have been unable to procure a sight of them before sending these pages to the press. Mr. Sanford (Studies, 429), speaking of the alleged appearance of ghosts, says : — "Because the terrified witnesses de- posed to having seen this, we are therefore," he is writing ironically, " to believe that no massacres took place ; as if the very fact of their imagina- tions being wrought up to fancying such sights were not the strongest proof that some horrible deed had been perpetrated in their presence." 1 64 1 • EXGUSH INDIGNATION. 69 exceeded four or five thousand,' whilst about twice that num- ber may have perished from ill-treatment. Before long the tale of w'oe from Ireland would resound through England, in a wildly exaggerated form. Tlie letters read at West- Reception minster on November 1 1 showed that even the full ininsrerof cxtcnt of the real calamity was as yet unknown in the^iews Dublin ; but they told of Englishmen being spoiled Ireland. qj^^ slain, and they declared that, if substantial relief were not soon afforded, Ireland would be lost and all its Protestant population would be destroyed. This was all that needed to be told in English ears. The Remonstrance was flung aside for a time, and the energy of both Houses was directed to the suppression of the Irish Rebellion. The younger Vane moved that the House should go into com- mittee to consider a present supply for Ireland. Henry Marten and his irreconcilable friends declared against him, but this time Vane's Episcopalian opponents ranged themselves by his side,^ and he carried his motion by 98 to 68. As soon as the committee had been formed. Strode called out that the debate should be postponed till the Remonstrance had been circulated in the country.' The House wanted to hear about Ireland, and not about the Remonstrance. It voted that 10,000 foot and 2,000 horse should be sent from England, and that the Scots should be asked to furnish 10, 00c men, instead of the 1,000 which had been originally proposed. To all this the Lords ' Warner (297) gives 4,028 as the numljer of all those stated, on every evidence, to have been murdered, and about twice as many to have perished in other ways. This was upon evidence collected within two years, and probably includes later murders. Miss Hickson tells me that she estimates from the depositions the whole number slain and allowed to die of starvation in the first two or three years as 20,000 or 25,000. The lesser estimate would not be far above Warner's statement, which refers to a shorter period of time, and gives 12,000 in all. Compare Mr. Lecky's in- vestigations [Hist, of Engl. ii. 145). '^ Strangways was one of his tellers. * Mr. Strode, says D'Ewes, ' moved against the order of this Com- mittee that,' &c. In order to make this more dramatic, Mr. Forster turned this into " Sir, I move against the order of the Committee that," &c. Of course D'Ewes meant that Strode was out of order. 70 THE IRISH REBELLION. CH. ci. gave their assent, as well as to so much of the Instructions to the Committee in Scotland as referred to the military arrange- The Lords ^^'^dts. But they resolved to postpone to a more postpone the convenient season the consideration of the Addi- debateonthe . . . . . Additional tioual Instructiou, which was mtended to hmit the King's constitutional power of appointing ministers without the consent of Parliament.^ It seemed as if Pym would fail in securing the support of either House for the con- stitutional change which he had proposed. The next day the tide was running in the same direction. The Commons had voted that 2,000 English troops should be j^T ^ ^^ sent at once, under Sir Simon Harcourt. They were Proposed then aslvcd to request that the Scots should cross the force for sca at the same time. In this way the balance of Ireland. force would bc altered in favour of Puritanism. The Episcopalians took alarm, and proposed to limit the demand to 1,000. They carried their point by the large majority of 112 to 77.'-^ Reliance on Scottish assistance was plainly not popular even in the House of Commons. The Common Council of the City was ready to support Pym. It declared its ready to readiuess to lend the sum which was needed for the Irish expedition. It asked in return for relief from certain grievances. Members of Parliament, especially the members of the House of Lords, had been in the Protections. habit of grantmg protections to their servants, to shield them from their creditors. What had been but a tem- porary inconvenience to a City tradesman, when the longest session seldom exceeded six months, became a formidable burden in times when no one could tell through how many years a single session might be prolonged. On this matter the Commons were not likely to stand in the way of justice, and they pushed forward a Bill v.-hich was intended to remedy the ' Z. J. iv. 435. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 132 b. - The meaning of the division is evident from the names of the tellers — Hupton and Strangways for the majority, Erie and Marten for the mi- nority. 1641 THE REMONSTRANCE TAKEN UP. 71 evil. Having first set forth their own complaints, the citizens The City aslccd that the persons of the Catholic Lords might against\he bc sccured, and that the bishops, who were the main Lordsand obstacles to the passage of good laws in the Upper the bishops. House, might be deprived of their votes. If this declaration expressed the real sense of the City, all the efforts of Charles's partisans to win London to their side would be made in vain. The declaration of the City was the turning-point in the struggle. It came just after the impeached bishops had put in Nov. 13. their answer in the House of Lords. It may be that mons*?oiTow ^^^ discovery that the City supported Pym's views Pym'siead. influenced some votes in the Commons. At all events, on the 13th they not only voted that the bishops' answer was frivolous, but they reconsidered their determi- nation to restrict the immediate supply of Scottish troops to 1,000. They now resolved to ask for as many as 5,000, though 3,000 had been thought too much on the day before. Before night this proposal was agreed to by the Lords. ^ In these last conflicts Hampden had been once more by the side of Pym. He had left Fiennes behind him at Edinburgh, Ham den at ^^^ ^^"^ hastened back to throw himself heart and West- soul into the Parliamentary struggle. With him there minster. •" '-' was no looking back. What he had seen in Scotland seems to have confirmed him in the belief that Charles could not be trusted. As soon as the immediate wants of Ireland had been pro- vided for, the Remonstrance was once more taken up. On the Nov 16 ^5^^ ^""^ ^^'■^^ ^^ finally passed through committee.- The Re- As might have been expected, the only real struggle through was over the ecclesiastical clauses. One of these, as committee, originally drawn, complained of the errors and super- stitions to be found in the Prayer Book. The Episcopalians » D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. 142 b. - These were the third and fourth sittings. Mr. Forster intercalates (^Thc Grand Remonstrance, 205) a fierce and long debate on the I2th which never existed except in his own imagination. The Commons were engaged on that day in discussing the question of sending troops to Ireland. 72 THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE. CH. ci. mustered in such strength that their opponents were fain to submit to the excision of these words. They then proposed an amendment justifying the use of the Prayer Book ' till the laws had otherwise provided.' This alteration, however, they failed to carry, though they succeeded in preventing the inser- tion of an announcement that the Commons intended to dis- pose of the lands of the bishops and deans. Equally balanced as the parties appeared to be, the next effort of the Episco- palians was signally defeated. A statement that the bishops had brought idolatry and Popery into the Church was opposed by Bering, but was retained by the large majority of 124 to 99. The probable explanation is, that some members were in favour of the retention of the Prayer Book, who were not unwilling to pass a bitter condemnation on the past proceedings of the bishops. ' During the last two days the attention of the House had not been entirely absorbed by the Remonstrance, The horrors of the Irish Rebellion had revived the belief in a great Popish Nov. 15. Plot for the extinction of Protestantism in the three The sup- kingdoms. There was doubtless a singular oppor- posed ropish " o i i I'lot- tuneness in the circulation of the rumours which sprang up just at the time when the fate of the Remonstrance was at stake, and it is quite possible that Pym and Hampden did not at this moment care to scrutinise so closely the tales which reached their ears as they might under other circum- stances have done. But it must not be forgotten that a real plot existed ; and with Pym's knowledge of much — we cannot tell of how much — of the Queen's subtlest intrigues, he could hardly venture to disregard any information, however trivial it might seem. On the 15th the Speaker informed the House that two priests had been taken. The House ordered that they should be proceeded against according to law. In the meanwhile > D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 153. All through his notes of this debate, D'Ewes speaks of his opponents as the party of Episcopacy, or the Episcopalian party. The words are in cypher, and have not been noticed by Mr. Forster. Mr. Sanford {Studies, 137) mentions them, but does not appear to have seized their importance. 1641 . RUMOURS OF PLOTS. 73 the Lords were engaged in examining one Thomas Beale, a Nov. 15. tailor, who asserted that he had overheard some per- Two priests sons talking of their intention to murder no less than captured. 108 members of the two Houses, and of a general Rumours of rising to take place on the i8th.' Further inquiry was ordered by the Lords, where the majority was, at all events, not Puritan. After that, a letter was read in the Commons, to the effect that fresh fortifications had been raised at Portsmouth, that a Frenchman had been constantly passing up and down between that town and Oatlands — in other words, between Goring and the Queen — and that, lastly. ' the Papists and jovial clergymen there were merrier than ever.'- The Commons resolved to prepare an ordinance for j^utting the trained bands in a posture of defence under Essex in the Nov. 17. south and Holland in the north, "and for securing ^c'^^m""""'* the persons of the prime Papists." The Lords re- mended by coiled from trenching so far upon the authority of the Com- . . mons. the King, and it was only after some hesitation that they agreed to bring in a Bill to give effect to the wishes of the other House in respect to the recusants, whilst they amended the ordinance by the insertion of words implying that no powers were conferred upon Essex and Holland in excess of those which had been given to them by the King's commission.-^ Nothing could be made of Beale's story. Goring, being summoned to give an account of the state of Portsmouth, un- blushingly declared that there was no truth whatever in the current rumours.'' Other charges against the Court could neither be denied nor explained away. On the i7th Nov. 17. i. J I Charles the cvidencc was read before the House of Com- nicu pate . j^-^Q^g^ which put it bcyoud doubt that, in the second Army Plot, Legg had been the bearer of a petition to which the King's initials were affixed, in which the soldiers were expected to express their detestation of the leading members, ' Z. y. iv. 439. 2 D'Ewes's Diary, Ilarl. Jl/SS. cl.xii. ful. 151 b. s L. J. iv. 4*5-450- < D'Ewes's Diary, Hail. MSS. clxii. fi)I. 167 b. 74 THE GRAND REMONSTRAXCE. CH. ci. and to declare their readiness to march to London to suppress the tumults which those leaders had raised.' The reading of this and other evidence was followed by Belief of the 8- ^ote that it was provcd 'that there was a second second \rm'^ design to bring up the army against the Parliament, P'°'- and an intention to make the Scottish army stand as neutral. ' ^ No doubt the production of this charge at such a moment was intended by Pym to influence the voting on the Remon- strance. In fact, its truth formed the strongest argument in behalf of the unusual course which he was taking. In the face of a King who had recently appealed to military force, and who would soon have an opportunity of appealing to it again, it was necessary somewhat to shift the balance of the constitu- tion. No doubt Charles might reply that he had only called on the army to repress tumults. The answer was obvious, that the tumults had been subsequent to a former appeal to the army.^ The way having thus been cleared, the House was ready for its last debate on the amended Remonstrance. There had Nov. 20. been some intention of bringing the Remonstrance Expectation forward ou the 20th. But the hour was late before that there will be no it was reached. Its opponents asked for delay. Its on the Re- supportcrs did not anticipate much further trouble, monbtrance. ^^ Why," Said Cromwcll to Falkland, " would you have it put off? " " There would not have been time enough," was the reply, " for sure it will take some debate." "A very sorry one," said Cromwell, contemptuously.'* He did not reckon on the resistance which would be aroused by the proposal to appeal to the people apart from the statements contained in the Remon- ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 157 b. "- C. J. ii. 318. * Mr. Forster here introduces a debate on the Remonstrance as taking place on the 19th. Neither the Joiirnah nor D'Ewes know anything of any such debate. Among Bering's speeches, indeed, there is one said to have been delivered on the 19th ; but internal evidence shows this to have been a misprint for the i6th. ■* Clarendon, iv, 51. This cannot, of course, be taken for more than a mere reminiscence. 1 64 1 . THE GREAT DEBATE. -jt, strance itself. In llie end it was resolved that the reading of the manifesto of the Commons should be proceeded with at once, but that the debate on it should be fixed for the 22nd.' At noon on the appointed day the discussion opened. Some few alterations, for the most part merely verbal, were Nov. 22. made, but in the main the Remonstrance was to be fn"the'^Re^'* Ecccpted or rejected as it stood when it left the monstrance, committee. A spccial attempt to expunge the clause which spoke of the Bishops' Exclusion Bill in terms of com- mendation, was made and failed. In the general debate the speeches of the Royalist-Episcopalian party are dis- Ar^uments . . , , tt i • • i i i i of its oppo- appomtmg to the reader. Hyde positively declared that the narrative part of the Remonstrance was true, and in his opinion modestly expressed, but that he thought it a pity to go back so far in the history of the reign. Falkland complained of the hard measure dealt out to the bishops and Arminians. Bering took the same line. Many bishops, he said, had brought in superstition, but not one idolatry. If the prizes of the lottery, as he called the bishoprics, were taken away, few would care to acquire learning. Culpepper, for whom the ecclesiastical side of the question had little attraction, argued that the Commons had no right to draw up such a Remonstrance without the concurrence of the Lords, and no right at all to send it abroad amongst the people. Such a course, he said, was " dangerous to the public peace." Such arguments were effective enough as criticism ; but they were not the arguments of statesmen. Not one of these speakers even sketched out a policy for the future. Not one of •Pheir them took any comprehensive view of the difficulties weakness. Qf j}^g situation, or gave the slightest hint of the manner in which he proposed to deal with them. Against such speakers as these Pym's defence was easy. "The honour of the King," he said, "lies in the safety of the Pym's people, and we must tell the truth. The plots have speech. bccn vcry near the King, all driven home to the Court and the Popish party." Culpepper's constitutional lore » D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 178 b. 76 THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE. CH. ci. had ignored this important fact. Then turning to the fears which he knew to be felt amongst his opponents, Pym expressed his readiness that a law should 'be made against sectaries,' though he could not refrain from adding that many of the separatists who had emigrated to America had been driven from England for refusing to read the Book of Sports. " The Popish lords and bishops," he went on to say, "do obstruct us. . . . We have suffered so much by counsellors of the King's choosing that we desire him to advise with us about it, and many of his servants move him about them, and why may not the Parliament? Altar- worship is idolatry, and that was enforced by the bishops in all their cathedrals. This declara- tion will bend the people's hearts to us, when they see how we have been used." ' After Pym sat down, the debate rolled on. But there was nothing of consequence to be added to what had been already said. Men were divided against one another, not so Continuance 111 1 • i • of the much by what was expressed m their speeches as by what was not expressed. Neither party would trust the other to model the Church according to its will. The hot debate lasted till midnight. Candles had long ago been brought in, and it was by their dim and flickering light The Re- that the fateful vote was taken. The Ayes were 159 ; pa^se^"'^ the Noes 148. The majority was but 11. 2 Peard, Ouestion of ^ Strongly Puritan member, moved that the Remon- printmg it. strauce should be printed. The proposal meant that what had all along been intended by its framers should be carried into instant execution. It was to be sent forth as an appeal to the nation against the King. Hyde and Culpepper had "already made up their minds as to the course to be taken. ^ As soon as the division was announced they offered Hyde and . . , Culpepper to cntcr their protestations. Ihey were told that protebt. without the consent of the House it might not be done. The proposal for printing was then waived for the time, ' Vei-vey Azotes, 121. ^ Mr. Forster {Gi-aitd Rem. iii. 16) completely disposes of Clarendon's assertion that many on his side had left the House before the vote. ° Nicliolas to the King, Nov. 22 Evelyii's AJe/noirs, ii. App. 80. 1 64 1 . THE RIGHT OF PROTEST yj and it seemed as if that long and stormy meeting would at last find an end. The adjournment of the dispute was not enough for Geoffry Palmer. He rose to press the motion for the entry of a protest Palmers "in the name of himself and all the rest." In the protest. excited temper of the minority, these rash words kindled a blaze of enthusiasm. Shouts of "All ! All !" rose from every side. Some waved their hats wildly in the air. Others "took their swords in their scabbards out of their belts and held them by their pommels in their hands, setting the lower part on the ground." • " I thought," wrote an eye- witness, " we had all sat in the valley of the shadow of death ; for we, like Joab's and Abner's young men, had catched at each other's locks, and sheathed our swords in each other's bowels. " From this terrible catastrophe the House was saved by Hampden's presence of mind. In a dry, practical way, he asked Palmer 'how he could know other men's minds.' ^ The excited and wrathful crowd had their attention thus called away from the general question of the right to protest to the particular question of Palmer's right to speak in their names. Reason had time to re-assert its power, and all further discus- sion was postponed to another day. At the then unprecedented ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fd. i8o. ^ This is all that D'Ewes says. Mr. Forster treated a remark of the note- taker's own as part of Hampden's speech. It is sad that a writer to whom all students of the period owe so much, can never be trusted in details. In a note at the foot of p. 320, Mr. Forster mentions D'Ewes's allusion to Hampden's " serpentine subtlety " as made on June 10. He should have said the iith [Harl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 306 b). What is of greater impor- tance is, that he follows Mr. Sanford in omitting to notice that the passage contains irrefiagable evidence of having been written long after the date under which it is inserted, so that it has no weight as contemporary evi- dence. "Mr. Edward Hyde," wrote D'Ewes, " a young barrister of the Middle Temple (knighted afterwards upon the 25th day of March, 1643), made Chancellor of the Exchequer, and a Privy Councillor." It is evi- dent from this that D'Ewes's remark was a mere afterthought after he had separated politically from Hampden. This may prove a warning against placing implicit reliance on D'Ewes's comments on persons. 78 THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE. CH. ci. hour of four in the morning the members poured forth un- harmed. ' As they trooped out, Falkland asked Cromwell, 'whether there had been a debate. ' " I will take your word for it another time," was the answer. " If the Remonstrance had been re- jected, I would have sold all I had the next morning, and never have seen England any more ; and I know there are many other honest men of this same resolution." ^ It is likely enough that the two men never exchanged words again. With all his largeness of heart, Falkland had shrunk back, as Sir Thomas More had shrunk back before andTluc- him, from the heat and dust of conflict, and had '^"'^^ narrowed his intellect within the formalities of a Hyde and a Culpepper. Cromwell saw but part of the issue before his country, but what he saw he saw thoroughl)-. The strong Puritan faith of himself, and of those who felt as he did, was not to be crushed down by cpnstitutional traditions. What was fair and just to those who cherished the doctrine and dis- cipline of the Church of England he did not care to inquire ; but he had clearly made up his mind what was to be done for those who regarded that doctrine and discipline as no more than another name for superstition. If the King and the House of Lords told them that there was no place for them in the English Church, they would appeal to the nation itself. If that appeal were made in vain, there was shelter for them beyond the Atlantic. The Grand Remonstrance was to these men something far greater than a constitutional document. For them it was a challenge put forward on behalf of a religious faith. It is in vain to regret that the struggle which was at hand was not to be waged on mere political grounds. Political constitutions are valuable so far as they allow free play to the mental and spiritual forces of a nation. If each side in the conflict was in the right when it stood on the defensive, each side was in the wrong when it took the offensive. No king, said one party, shall rob us of our religion. No > D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 179. * Clarendon, iv. 52. 1 64 1 - A SUNDERED HOUSE. 79 rarliamentary majority, said the other party, shall rob us of our religion. It was this, and this only, which gave to the great struggle its supreme importance. Neither party was contending for victory alone. Both were contending as well for that which was to them a Divine order of things in the world. No voice — alas ! not even Falkland's — was raised to direct them to that more excellent way which might have led them in the paths of peace. The Civil War was all the nearer for that night's work. It was the apprehension of this that roused the deeper feelings of the members in the discussion on the right of protest. The majority had made up their minds on the subject. On the Nov •'s 25th it was voted that Palmer should be sent to the Palmer Towcr. There he remained for twelve days, after be sent to which he was released on making submission to the owcr. fiQuse. The question of the right of protest seemed to be sufficiently settled in this practical way, and for some time nothing further was said about the matter. 8o CHAPTER CII, BALANCED FORCES. Amongst the minority which had opposed the Remonstrance there were doubtless those who would still have admitted that some modification of Episcopacy, some reconsideration of the ceremonial observances of the Church, or even of its doctrinal formulas, might be advisable. But whether such as these were few or many, they could have no hope of success. In rallying round Charles they had planted themselves, whether they in- tended it or not, on the ground of resistance to all 1641. ' ° Return of change. The King was now to be amongst them once more. x\ll difficulties had been removed at Edinburgh by the simple process of his own complete surrender. Aro-yle had returned, with Hamilton and Lanark, as Argyle s °-' ' ' position in the Undoubted master of the State. Offices were disposed of as he wished to dispose of them. What Pym was aiming at in England, was thoroughly realised in Scotland. Argyle's power rested on those very classes, the representatives of the counties and boroughs, which made up the House of Commons at Westminster. Against this strongly consolidated authority, the high feudal nobility raged in vain. Arg)'le was too politic to misuse his victory. Not only was the King declared to be totally guiltless of any share in the Inci- dent, but there was a complete amnesty to all directly or indirectly concerned in it. Montrose and his friends were liberated from prison. Even Crawford found himself un- expectedly at liberty. Titles were scattered amongst the winners with a lavish hand. Argjie became a marquis and Hamilton a duke. The uncultivated old soldier, Alexander 1 64 1 - CHARLES'S POLICY. 8i Leslie, to whom was due so much of the discipline which had served his country in good stead, had already taken his seat in Parliament as Earl of Leven. When Charles prepared to travel southward he knew that Pym was resolute to obtain from him those concessions which Its simi- he had been compelled to make to Argyle. It is that^ci^imed needlcss to Say that he would feel far more degraded by Pym. \^ becoming a merely nominal King of England than he had felt in becoming a merely nominal King of Scotland. He knew, too, that his chance of resisting was far greater in England than it had been in Scotland. In the North the nation was practically one in religion, and its union in religion had been the cement which had bound together the Parliamentary Opposition before which Charles had succumbed at Edinburgh. In the South the nation was divided in religion. Charles, there- fore, might hope to put himself at the head of a party strong in the nation itself, as well as strong within the walls of Parliament. It is impossible to say with any certainty what was the pre- cise form which the future took in Charles's mind as he travelled Charles's southward. It is probable enough that he had him- intentions. ggjf j^q clear perception, at least of the details of his own projects. But it is not likely that he had fixed his heart upon the sweeping away of all that had been done since the meeting of Parliament, the revival of the Star Chamber and the High Commission, or the revival of ship-money and monopolies. Not only was his mind one which loved to dwell as much as possible on the technical legality of his actions ; but the contest in which he was now engaged was to be fought out on other issues than those which had been the object of struggle in the summer. The law as it stood gave him all that he needed to maintain the passive resistance which seemed enough to hinder those changes in the Church against which he had set his face. Legally, the majority of the Commons could do nothing with- out the consent of the House of Lords, and that consent they had for the time not the slightest chance of obtaining. To gain popularity and to wait till the majority in the Commons had made some mistake, was no doubt a policy fraught with danger, like all policy of mere obstruction ; but it was un- VOL. X. G 82 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. doubtedly far more prudent than any recurrence to those ill- starred plots upon which Charles's hopes had been wrecked before. Even this course, however, required patience, and Charles had little patience ; whilst his wife, under whose influence he would now again come, had less. To both of them Pym and Hampden were not merely leaders of a political Opposition to be defeated, but traitors to be punished. If the hope of obtain- ing in Scotland undeniable evidence of their share in the invita- tion of the Scottish army into England had been baffled, there was proof enough of treasonable conduct since. If Strafford had been sent to the block for attempting to alter the constitu- tion, had not these men done as much ? Had they not re- duced the authority of the King to its lowest ebb ? Were they not striving by the Bill for the exclusion of the bishops to beat down the true majority in the House of Lords ? Had they not made use of the moment of danger in Ireland to threaten their Sovereign that, unless he would abandon his acknowledged right of selecting his counsellors at his pleasure, they w^ould take out of his hands the management of the Irish war, and thereby place themselves in a position of military supremacy ? It can hardly be doubted that Charles contemplated, long before his arrival in England, some course of action which would rid him of his enemies under the forms of law, as the Commons under the forms of law had rid themselves of Strafford. Of such a course the first condition was to regain popularity, and of all places where popularity would be most useful the Popularity City of Loudon was the first. Standing relatively gaineti^ higher in population and wealth in the seventeenth Th c • f ^^^'^ ^^ stands in the nineteenth century, its organisa- London. tion gavc it, in the absence of an organised national army, an influence to which there is nothing to be compared at the present day. The loans of the London citizens alone had made it possible for the House of Commons to disband the armies ; and without the loans of the London citizens the House would find it impossible to provide for a campaign in Ireland. It was manifestly of the first consequence to the King to win London to his side. i64f -A ROYAL VISIT EXPECTED. 83 Although the recent expression of the wishes of the Common Council for the expulsion of the bishops was not of favourable The wealthy omcn, the Wealthy citizens were now drawing towards Charles's" Charles. There was the natural distrust for i)olitical siJe. disturbance felt by men engaged in wide-reaching commerce, and there was doubtless a contemptuous dislike of the petty tradesmen and apprentices who were crowding to the meetings in which illiterate members of their own class ex- pounded the Scriptures in a wild and incoherent fashion. The new Lord Mayor, Gurney, was a strong Royalist, and the great majority of the aldermen were of the same way of thinking. When, therefore, it was announced that the King would do honour to the City by passing through it on his way to West- minster, it was resolved that he should be welcomed at a mag- nificent banquet at Guildhall. The 25th was the day appointed. The reception prepared for the King was not to be one of those spontaneous outbursts _ . . of enthusiasm with which the present age is familiar. Organisation _ _ ' ° of the cere- The municipal authorities were accustomed to monial. ... . . organise their ceremonies as they organised every- thing else. The attire of members of the City companies, the truncheons and the torches of the footmen, the tapestry to be hung by the householders upon the walls, the bells to be rung, and the bonfires to be lighted, were all prescribed by order. ^ Yet it is probable that even without these directions there would have been enthusiasm enough. There was a fund of loyalty in the hearts of the citizens ; and the compliment paid to London for the first time in the reign would have made Charles popular in the City, if it were only for a moment. Charles was well prepared. To gain the City, he had been told, was to dethrone King Pym, as the Royalists were now be- ginning to call the great Parliamentary leader. Let him assure the citizens that he would voluntarily abandon to them the for- feited lands in Londonderry, and that he would do his utmost to discountenance the hateful protections given by the Lords, and ' Common Council Journal Book, Nov. 19, 23, 24, vol. xxxix. fol. 245 b, 246 b, 252 b. G 2 84 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. they would spontaneously rally to his side. The command over the army in Ireland would fall into the King's hands. ^ It was not much that the King had to offer ; nothing but what the Commons had been ready to do. Yet he played his The King's P^^t Well. Bringing with him the Queen, who had entrance. joined him at Theobalds, he was met on his entrance to the City by>i stately cavalcade. Amidst loud and enthu- siastic shouts of welcome, he assured his hosts that he would give back Londonderry and everything else which they desired. He hoped, with the assistance of Parliament, to re-establish that flourishing trade which was now in some disorder. He had come back with a hearty affection to his people in general. He would govern them according to the laws, and would main- tain 'the Protestant religion as it had been established in the times of Elizabeth and his father.' "This," he added, " I will do, if need be, to the hazard of my life and all that is dear to me." In these words Charles took up the challenge of the Remon- strance. What Nicholas had been ordered to circulate privately amongst the peers was now announced in open day. takes up the There was to be no surrender, no attempt to concili- ate opponents, no place for Puritanism in the English Church. Yet even in this definite call to battle words were heard ominous of failure. " I see," said Charles, "that all these Thinks that former tumults and disorders have only risen from the sort^are'on "leaner sort of people, and that the affections of the his side. better and main part of the City have ever been loyal and affectionate to my person and government." It was cha- ' These unsigned recommendations are amongst the State Papers, written on the same paper with a letter dated Oct. 23, but evidently them- selves written after Nov. 8. They contain the first mention that I have found of the phrase " King Pym. " If the City is gained by the King, it is said, it will be ' engaged to stand by him against the Irish Rebellion ; and whereas King Pym will undertake the Irish war, if he may have the disposal of all the English Councillors and Officers of State, His Majesty may refuse those propositions with safety, having now gained the City ; for if any such bargain should go on with King Pym, he cannot undertake any- thing without the City, and, by the way the King is, hath enabled himself to do the work.' 1 64 1 ■ CHARLES IN THE CITY. 85 ■racteristic of him to rest upon the organisation of society rather than on the spiritual forces by which society is inspired. That day. at least, no shade passed over Charles's self-satis- faction. The Lord Mayor was knighted, and rose up Sir Thea lause ^^'^hard Gumcy. Amidst shouts, perhaps heartfelt of the enough at the time, of " God bless and long live King citizens. o ; o o Charles and Queen Mary ! " the Royal pair were conducted to Guildhall. The conduits in Cornhill and Cheap- side ran with claret. At last the stately procession reached its destination. There was a splendid banquet and another gor- geous procession through the streets, amidst fresh acclamations from the crowd. That night Charles slept again at Whitehall.' ' N'alson, ii. 674. According to the verses by J. H., printed witii King Charles, his Entirtainmeiit (E. 177), the King's partisans expected from him three things ; the lowering of the pretensions of the majority of the Commons, a check to Popery, and the overthrow of the sects. "Those demy powers of Parliament which strove, In our King's absence, to express their love And care of us his subjects, now shall find A Royal guerdon ; those that were inclined To practise mischief, of this judge shall have A regal judgment and a legal grave. Religion that in blankets late was tost, Banded, abused, in seeking almost lost, Shall now be married, and her spouse adore ; She now shall hate that Babylonish whore That's drunk with mischief, likewise that presect That left the Church, for fear it should infect Their purer outsides, those that likewise cry. To bow at Jesus is idolatry. Brownists, Arminians, Separatists, and those Which to the Common Prayer are mortal foes, And cry a surplice, tippet, or a cope, Or else a relic of the Pope. All these shall have their wishes, they shall see ■ The Church now cleansed from all impurity." The line threatening ' a regal judgment and a legal grave ' has special significance. It would show, if nothing else did, that the plan of im- peaching the Parliamentary leaders was already floating before the minds of Charles's followers. The whole passage is worthy of study. In my opinion it expresses the mind of the King's party far better than the 86 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. Charles's first step was to dismiss the guard which had been placed round the two Houses, under command of Essex, whose The Kin<^ commission had expired at the King's return. At this dUmisses the thc Commons took umbraee, and induced the Lords Paruament- ... . . ary guard, to joui them in a petition requesting that the guard Nov. 26. might remain till they had time to give reasons Nov. 27. fQj- its retention. The King replied that 'to secure them not only from real, but even imaginary dangers,' he had or- Dorset's dcrcd Dorsct to appoint some of the trained bands to guard. guard them for a few days, to give them time to pre- pare their reasons. If he were then convinced, he would con- tinue this protection to them, and also take such a course as might be fit for the safety of his own person.' Before this answer reached the Commons the House was deeply agitated. Strode, ever impetuous, had moved for put- Nov. 28. ting the kingdom in ' a posture of defence, and for 7,Kf^,'-"> °^ the commanding of the arms thereof.'- Mutual dis- the Mihtia o 1^'"- tru.st had already produced the thought of an appeal to arms. The idea of that Militia Bill on which the breach finally came, was already to be traced in Strode's words. In the temper in which men were, a collision sooner or later was inevitable. It almost came on the evening of the 29th. Nov. 29. A crowd of Londoners thronged Palace Yard, armed ^^'''''^'.u ^vith swords and staves. They shouted " No bishops I " orders the ■' J- guard to fire, at Sir John Strangways, and called on him to vote against the bishops. Dorset angrily bade his men give fire. Fortunately the order was disobeyed, and the crowd dispersed without bloodshed. The next day there was grave °^; ^°' complaint in the House. To one party the be- haviour of Dorset seemed utterly intolerable. To the other Venn the insolcncc of the mob seemed no less intolerable. withlnviting Strangways and Kirton charged Venn, one of the Wes"™^-" members for the City, with having sent for citizens ^'^■"v to come armed to support the popular members as long ago as the 24th, the day on which Palmer had been called in ordinary talk of constitutional historians, about changes having gone far enough. ' L. J. iv. 452, 453, 455. ^ D'Ewes's Diary, Ilarl. H/SS. clxii. fol. 191b. 1 64 1 THE COMMOXS ALARMED. 87 question. It is by no means unlikely that the charge was true. Suspicion ^^ ^^'^^ "^"^^ '"*y ^^ countercharge from Pym, 'that that mem- he was informed that there was a consi)iracv by some bers were to . i j j be charged members of this House to accuse other members of with treason. . ^ , , the same of treason. ' Measures which to one party seemed to be imperatively required in sheer self-defence seemed mere unprovoked aggres- chiiiine- ^'*-'" '" '^^ ^y^^ °^ ^'^^ other. Chillingworth, to whom worth ac- for the moment the supreme danger would be that cused. 1 • 1 which was to be dreaded from the intolerance of Puritanism, was charged with spreading a rumour that the ' party who were against Mr. Palmer would be questioned for so great a treason as the Earl of Strafford.' ^ In truth, it was easy to persuade Royalists that those who Avere assailing the fundamental laws of the Church were as guilty as he who had assailed the fundamental laws of the State. Pym replied in a long array of reasons by which he pro- posed to support the demand for a guard in which the House Pym's could confidc. He spoke of the design formed in demanding a Scotlaud to kill souic of the Members of Parliament, guard. g^j^(^ Qf ^ similar design in London. To this, he said, the more credit was to be given from the discovery of the former plot to bring up the army against Parliament. Then, too, there was the conspiracy in Ireland, and the rumours that this, too, had branches in England. There were also reports from beyond the seas that there would soon be a great altera- tion in religion, ' and the necks of both the Parliaments will be broken.' Scarcely had these reasons been presented to the House when it was ascertained that Dorset's men had been withdrawn. The Commons at once took the matter into their ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 200. Compare a statement in the Clarendon MSS. (1542), I suppose by Hyde, ot what he was ready to prove. , He says that Venn's wife showed a letter brought unto her by one of the members of the House from her husljand, and that he had witnesses to prove his assertions, ' who were many days attending at the door to justify' his statements, 'but they never would call him in, although I moved it often.' « DEwes's Diary, Hurl. MSS. clxii. fol. 199 b. 88 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. own hands. At Pym's motion, two members, who happened to be justices of the peace for Westminster, were directed to set a watch. The House thus put itself under the protection of the local authorities. The Lords were less anxious to be safely guarded The Lords . , ^,. , , . , ,• , , protest agamst the Kmg s designs ; but they applied to the mmuimous Coiiimons to join them in a declaration prohibiting assemblies. ^|^g concourse of amicd multitudes at Westminster. ' Amidst fears and menaces on every side, a deputation from the Commons carried the Remonstrance to the King at Hampton Court. In a petition which accompanied The Re- it Charlcs was warned against the designs of tlie "ken'toThe corrupt and ill-affected party, w-hich was aiming at ^company" the alteration of religion and government. He was ing petition, askcd to concur in legislation aimed at the exclusion of the bishops from Parliament, and at the removal of the abuses which had been fomented by them. In this way he would unite together all such as joined ' in the same funda- mental truths against the Papists, by removing some oppressions and unnecessary ceremonies by which divers weak consciences' had 'been scrupled and seemed to be divided from the rest' The demand for counsellors agreeable to Parliament was re- newed, and to it was added a special request that Charles would abstain from granting away any forfeited lands in Ireland, in order that they might serve as the basis of a fund to be applied to the expenses of the war.^ Charles was in high spirits when this petition was read in his ears. He criticised its weak points, jeered at the Its reception . by the King, notioii that anyone had advised him to change reli- gion, replied to the claim about Ireland that it would not be • D"Ewes's Diary, Had. MSS. clxii. fol. 201. C. J. ii. 327. L. J. iv. 329. The words of the Venetian ambassador show how completely sovereignty was at issue. The removal of the guard he says, 'porge inditio che cessato loro I'appoggio delle armi Scocesi, e le speranze di esser spalle- giati da questa Citta, sian per ridursi anco li piii ostinati nei debiti dclla prima modestia e possa S. M'^ ripigliare il giusto possesso dell' autorita goduta da predecessori suoi.' — Giustinian to the Doge, Dec. - , Ven. Tran- scripts, R. O. ■ Rush-worth, iv. 437. 1641 CHARLES'S PASSIVE RESISTANCE. 89 well to sell the bear's skin before it was dead, and, after trying in vain to extract from the deputation an engagement that the Remonstrance should not be published, dismissed them with the proniise that he would give an answer after he had taken time for consideration. There can be little doubt that Charles had made up his mind to resist, and that he fully expected that resistance would Dec. 2. be successful. The day after the Remonstrance had The King's been handed over to him he came to Westminster speech. to give the royal assent to a Bill for the renewal of tonnage and poundage for three months. In the presence ot the two Houses, he spoke scornfully of the misplaced alarm under which the Commons were suffering, and after an allusion to his joyful reception in the City, he expressed a hope that his presence would dispel all their fears. He was resolved not only to maintain all the acts of the existing Parliament, but to 'grant what else can be justly desired in point of liberties or in maintenance of the true religion that is here established.' He then announced that commissioners had arrived from Scotland to treat about the relief of Ireland, and ex])ressed a hope that in this matter there would be no delay.' The position of legal resistance to violent change was the strongest which Charles could possibly assume now, as it had Charles's bccn the strongest which he could possibly have position of assumed in the days of Strafford's trial. Unfortu- resistance. ... nately to maintain it, now as then, required a stronger will and a more masterful temper than was ever at his disposal. Now as then, the rash eagerness of his wife, and the passionate zeal of heated partisans, would see in the tumultuous gatherings of the crowd at Westminster, a provocation to be met by an appeal to violence, instead of a call to the most scrupulous ab- stention from every indication of a readiness to resort to the use of force. Yet even with every wish to remain on constitutional ground, it is hardly likely that Charles would have been a match for Pym. He had played too long with the wild machinations of the Queen to gain credit for a resolution to abide even by ' L. 7. iv. 459. 90 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. that system of passive resistance which was, after all, the dearest to his heart. The majority of the Commons were sore at the treatment which the Remonstrance had received at the King's hands on the preceding day, and at the language which had just been addressed to them from the throne in the House of Lords. They felt no inclination to accept Charles's promise to grant ' what else can be justly desired ' as a sufficient guarantee that his future action would be more in accordance with their wishes than his past conduct had been. Above all, the conduct of Dorset irritated and alarmed them. That and not the King's address was the first object of their thoughts. The House left the Royal presence to wrangle over the question whether Dorset or the crowd had been to blame.' Disinterested lookers-on saw that, whichever might be to blame, parties were too in- flamed to settle down in peace. "Within ten days," wrote the French ambassador, "one side or the other will suffer a reverse." ^ The events which were thus rapidly unfolding themselves have afforded a favourite battle-field to constitutional lawyers Dec. 3. and historians. On the one hand, it is easy to show Constitu- ^^^^ ^j-jg King, ostensibly at least, was standing on the tional ques- o' ,' ' o tions raised, defensive, and that the sovereignty claimed by the House of Commons had never been theirs, and, in the unlimited form in which they claimed it, never ought to be theirs. On the other hand, it is equally easy to show that the past history of the King's relations with the Parliament had not been such as to invite confidence in the future, and that his defensive position involved an aggression of a very practical kind, because the existing law, if it were to be enforced as Charles would legally be justified in enforcing it, condemned the ecclesiastical practices dear to the hearts of a large proportion of religious Englishmen Why it i5 to absolute extinction. Yet, after all has been said, betier to jj- jg niorc than doubtful whether the ink which has pass them by- been employed upon this argument has not been ab- solutely thrown away. Constitutional rules are good because > D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 205. 2 La Ferte's despatch, Dec. -, Arch, des Aff. Etr. xlviii. fol. 430. i64i . THE PATH OF UNITY. 91 they enforce the ai)plication of the laws by which healthy societies are governed to the details of political life in which the passions of the actors are most hotly stirred ; but they cannot be made applicable to a society in which the whole head is sick, and the whole heart faint. The daily food of the constitution cannot be its medicine. Law and liberty, kings and parlia- ments, are available to a society which, in spite of wide differ- ences of opinion and character, is in substantial unity with itself When that unity has departed, when religious and political factions glare at one another with angry eyes, the one thing needful is not to walk in the paths of the constitution, but to restore unity. No doubt, Pym and Hyde would have agreed upon the necessity of restoring unity, but each wanted to restore it by the simple process of suppressing the religion of the other. Not thus could a new order be evolved out of the ruins of the old. Religious antipathies will never bow their head before the mere remedy of force. It is only in the presence of some higher and more ennobling spiritual idea that they will sink abashed to the ground. In Elizabeth's days theological strife had been smoothed away before the common thought of patriotism in the face of the invader and the assassin. England was not in such danger now, and she needed a grander and more universal thought than patriotism, to reconcile the foes upon her soil. Because she had not yet wholly given her heart to the spirit of liberty, or had welcomed the all-conquering charity which clears the eye and shakes the sword from the hand, therefore she was now entering into that valley of the shadow of death in which brother was to smite down brother in his blindness. If, in the darkness. Englishman could not discern the face of Englishman, how could it be hoped that he would discern Bearing of the facc of the Irish Celt ? His rebellion and cruelty uponElfg-^ had left no room, if there had been room before, for land. ^py remembrance of the wrongs which he had suffered. There was no thought at Westminster of the employment of any remedy in Ireland save that of force alone. And yet, as the conflict grew visibly nearer in England, the force which it would be necessary to use beyond the sea would be a danger in Eng- land as well as in Ireland. On December 3 news arrived which 92 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. brought this home to every man. Sir Phelim O'Neill had taken Nov. 25. Armagh. The English prisoners had been stripped o'Nem'de- naked and bound hand and foot. O'Neill had ex- ciares that hibited ' a couimission under the Broad Seal of he had been • j 1 acting by England by which he said that he was authorised by orders!"^ ^ the King to restore the RoiTiian religion in Ireland.' ' Such was the tale brought by a prisoner who had been allowed to escape. A later and better authenticated story told how the commission produced was under the Great Seal of Scot- land, and that it was affixed to a document purporting to pro- ceed from Charles himself, and empowering all Irish Catholics to rise in defence of the King's person, to attack all castles and forts, and to ' seize the goods, estates, and persons of all the English Protestants.' That this document was forged there can be no doubt whatever ; but it does not follow that it was not forged upon the lines of a real document sent from Edinburgh by the King to the Catholic Lords, authorising them to seize the forts and to use them against the English Parliament.^ > D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. 207 b. 2 It is printed in Rushworih, iv. 402. The internal evidence of the forgery is complete, as Charles would never have spoken of Protestants disparagingly. He would have said Puritans. See, too, the evidence in NalsoH, ii. 529. Dr. Burton {Hist, of Scotland, vii. 160) wrote thus :— " When we find the document thus treated as an evident fabrication, there arises an obvious question— If there was a forgery for the purpose of creating a temporary delusion, why was it not in the name of the English Government, and under the great seal of England? As a warrant of sovereignty the great seal of Scotland was nothing in Ireland. If it was that only an impression of the great seal of Scotland was available, and that wa^ considered better than no seal, the accident, when connected with what has yet to be told, is one of the strangest that ever happened. The author of a pamphlet which was published two years later, and obtained great notoriety, gave currency to the following rumour :— " ' It is said that this commission was signed with the broad seal of that kingdom, being not then settled in the hands of any officer who could be answerable for the use of it, but during the vacancy of the Chancellor's place entrusted with the Marquis Hamilton, and by him with one Mr. John Hamilton, the scribe of the cross-petitioners in Scotland, and sometimes under the care of Master Endymion Porter, a very fit opportunity for such a clandestine transaction.' i64i NEWS FROM IRELAND. 93 Whatever the truth might be, the effect on the House was instantaneous. At Pym's motion, a committee was appointed "By a coincidence which, if there was no foul play, must be called unfortunate, it is known that on the 1st of October, which is the date on the commission, the great seal of Scotland happened to be in a state of transition. . , . On the 30th day of September, Loudoun was made Chancellor. . . . Though thus appointed to his office on the 30th of September, the great seal was not put into his custody until the 2nd of October." In a note Dr. Burton points out that Endymion Porter had afterwards a hand in the celebrated affair of Lord Glamorgan, under somewhat similar circumstances. The acceptance of the evidence relating to the King's dealings with the Catholic Lords removes the difficulty of supposing that the King could possibly have sent off a document such as that which O'Neill published. The emissary of those Lords was Lord Dillon, who is con- nected with this affair in The Mystery 0/ Iniquity, the pamphlet quoted by Dr. Burton, and attributed to Edward Bowles. He is there stated to have been in Edinburgh, and to have returned to Ireland to take his seat in the Privy Council to which he had just been admitted by the King's orders. What more natural than that he should have carried with him a formal authorisation for the movement of the Lords, or that, if he fell into O'Neill's hands, that authorisation should have been altered by O'Neill to suit his purposes and sent forth with the real seal attached to it ? As for the Queen, it is certain that she had no part in the Ulster rising. Rossetti, who w^as now at Cologne, writes that Mary de Medicis had received a letter from her daughter ' plena di maggiori doglienze per le presenti com- motioni d'Hibernia.' The statements afloat as to her participation dis- tressed her, ' onde dalle suddette cose stava S. M'^ molto travagliata, poiche parte de' dissegni che s'havevano si dubita siano discoperti.' — Ros- setti to Barberini, tJ^^^i I^- O. Transcripts. That is to say, she regretted them because her other manoeuvres were likely to come to light. And yet Pym is continually taken to task for being unreasonably suspicious. The relations of the King and Queen with the Catholic Lords are shown not merely by the evidence adduced at p. 7> t)ut by the following extract from the letter just quoted : — " Adunque in questo proposito rappresentero a V. Em^^ che circa il negotio della liberta di conscienza molto si sperava per I'effettuatione di cio nelle forze d'Hibernia, ct queste sono quelle che hora fedelmente si sono mosse, e come una volta si disse alle loro Maesta che considerassero che ne' gran bisogni non havevano altra gente che i Cattolici Inglesi e d'Hibernia, e questi solamente per esser Cattolici, e come air oposito gli Scoxzesi, natione la quale ancorche havesse ricevuti tanti benefitii, nondimeno per essere Puritani erano ribelli, et questo fu ben sentito, et conosciuto per vero, e percio si pensava d'incaminare le co^e 94 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. to prepare for a conference with the Lords, in order to acquaint The Lords them what Bills had passed which concerned the thTofm-''^' safety of the kingdom, and to which their lordships' mons can conscnt had been refused, as well as to tell them act without them. ' that this House being the representative body of the whole kingdom, and their lordships being but as particular per- sons, and coming to Parliament in a particular capacity, that, if they should not be pleased to consent to the passing of those Acts and others necessary to the preservation and safety of the kingdom, that then this House together with such of the Lords that are more sensible of the safety of the kingdom, may join together and represent the same to His ]\Iajesty.' ' Such a threat did not indeed necessarily imply a resolution to set at naught the constitutional authority of the Lords over legislation, but it would hardly have been made if Charles , , / , , , r t • intends to there had not been some thought of proceedmg m stkJtioTai that direction. Charles was no doubt strengthened esistance. y^^ j^ -^ j^j^ present wish to meet the Commons on constitutional ground. In other words, his ears were for the time open to Bristol rather than to the Queen. A few days before he had given Windebank's secretaryship to Nov. 27, *" Nicholas Nicholas. On the day of the appointment of the secretary. Commous' Committee he received a deputation from the London aldermen, and after knighting all who appeared, and promising to confer a baronetcy on the Lord Mayor, he The City chcerfully acceded to their request that he would deputation rgtum to Whitehall in order to give encouragement and V ane s 00 dismissal. ^q trade. Taking heart from their loyal speeches he at once dismissed Vane from the secretaryship. On the 5th Dec 5. he named Lennox Lord Steward, and Lennox was a Lennox closc ally of Bristol. The selection was a special Steward. defiance to the House of Commons, who wished to see Pembroke in the place. ^ a vantatTgio della nostra Santa Religione, ma che cosa si sia scoperto intorno a queste turbolenze non lo posso rappresentare a V. Em^ per non haver ricevuto letlere dal Padre Filippo, ne da altri." ' L. 7. iv. 330. * Giustinian to the Doge, Dec. -, Vat. Transcripts, R. 0. 1 64 1 - THE MILITIA BILL. 95 On his arrival at Whitehall on the 6th, Charles found the Lords engaged upon a liill authorising the impressment of Dec. 6. soldiers for Ireland, which had come up from the "^re^sl^iit Commons. One of its clauses distinctly denied the Bill. King's right to compel men to military service beyond the borders of their own county, except upon a sudden emer- gency caused by a foreign invasion. The first reading was not carried without considerable opposition. Lyttelton and Man- chester concurred in asserting that it took away from the Crown a prerogative of which it had been possessed for 300 years, though it was, in fact, verbally copied from an unrepealed statute of Edward III.^ It was to little purpose, replied Saye, that ship-money had been abandoned by the King, if he re- tained his power of impressment.- On the 6th, the Bill was read a second time, and amended in committee. Then the Peers intimated their dislike of the clause to which some of their members had taken an objection, by a message to ask the Commons to acquaint them with the reasons which had induced them to insert this clause in the Bill.^ It was precisely the course which they had taken before throwing out the first Bishops' Exclusion Bill. The reply of the ^ Commons was the same in both cases. Those who Dec. 7. The Militia had then brought in a Root-and-Branch Bill to regu- late the Church, now brought in a Root-and-Branch Bill to regulate the army. If it was to be acknowledged as law that the King could levy troops in any part of England that he pleased, to use them against another part, they must demand the enactment of a new law which would take the command of the militia or trained bands of the counties entirely out of his hands. In the Bill which Hazlerigg brought in for this purpose, it was proposed that a Lord General, whose name was left blank, should be nominated to have supreme command over the militia. His powers were to be of the widest description. He was to raise men, to levy money to pay them, and to execute martial law. A Lord Admiral was to be appointed to command ' See Hallam, Const. Hist. ch. ix. ^ L. y. iv. 462. Dover's notes, Clarendon MSS. 1603. » Z. J. iv. 463. 96 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. at sea with similar powers. The demand of the Lords for an explanation of the Impressment Bill was left unanswered. No wonder the new Bill was received with indignation by the Royalists. Shouts of " Away with it ! Cast it out ! " re- sounded through the House. Culpepper truly said the^Royai- that it took from the King the power which was left *^'^" to him by the law, ' and placed an unlimited arbitrary power in another.' Nor were these objections confined to the ordinary supporters of the Crown. Men who had struggled and suffered on behalf of English liberty might well shrink from setting up a military despotism. Yet the proposal to throw out the Bill without further consideration was rejected by 158 to 125, a larger majority than that by which the Remonstrance had been passed.' Evidently the intention of many of its sup- porters was merely to convey a warning to the House ^^'^' ^' of Lords. No attempt was made for the present to pass it even through a first reading. In the background of the constitutional struggle at West- minster, lay the terrible Irish rebellion. Every post which crossed the Channel deepened the horror. On the the°frish° 8th letters were read, telling that the evil was Rebellion, spreading. Sir Henry Tichborne with a litde garri- son was penned in behind the walls of Drogheda. The flame had gained the South. The natives of Wicklow and Wexford had risen, and had advanced within four miles of Dublin. Most of the gentry of Louth and Meath had joined the rebels. All through Leinster and Munster agitation prevailed and rob- beries were committed. Money and troops must be sent at once. Lord Dillon was on his way with overtures from the rebels to the King. He was bringing with him an oath by which the insurgents had bound themselves to maintain their reli<^ion and the King's authority against his wicked ministers.^ At Pym's motion, the Commons resolved to provide money to hasten the troops away. It was also proposed that the King > D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. cl.xii. fol. 217 b. "^ Ibid. fol. 219 b. Compare Ittters of the end of November amongst the Carte MSS. i64i - MUTUAL SUSPICIONS. 97 should be asked to declare that he would never consent to grant Adeciara- ^ tolcration of religion to the rebels. Culpepper up agaf'ist" argued sensibly enough that such a declaration would toleration, alienate those Irish Catholics who had remained steadfast in their allegiance. Holies asked that the declaration might apply to all the King's dominions, and Holies carried his point. ^ Whilst the Commons were attempting to secure themselves against the Catholics, the King was attempting to secure him- self against the City mob, which a few days before Dec Q The Lord ^^^ again crowded round the Houses of Parliament, directed to ^'^^ ^^'^ loudly exprcsscd its disapprobation of the miihs'"' bishops. On the 9th Charles directed the Lord Dec 10 Mayor to preserve the peace of the City, and to see The\vest- that the apprentices werc kept in order. '^ The next minster . , . , , itt • guard dis- mommg armed men, appomted by a Westmmster Justice, appeared by order of the Lord Keeper, to guard Parliament from danger. Both Houses resented the interference, and, protesting that there was no danger at all, dismissed the guard. The Justice who had given the order was sent by the Commons to the Tower.^ On the whole the King was playing for the time the part of a constitutional sovereign, doing his best to protect the Legis- The Kin laturc from mob violence, and professing to respect plays a con- the law. In this dircction pointed the rumours which stitutional ., . . ^ . . ^_,.,,^. , part. prevailed of fresh appointments of Bristol s friends Dec. 9. to office.'' Unluckily for the success of this policy, ofthl^""^" Charles could not silence the Queen, and the Queen ^"^^"' was certain to lose him more votes in the Upper House than Bristol could gain. For the peers, opposed as they were to Puritanism, were equally opposed to Rome, and there could be litde doubi that the condition of the Catholics would be a hard one for some time to come. The Queen was mad- ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 226 b. C. J. ii. 335. 2 His Majesty's Special Command, E. 1 79. 3 L. J. iv. 469. C. 7. ii. 338- * Wiseman to Pennington, Dec 9 ; Bere to Pennington, Dec. 9, S. P. Dom. VOL.. X. H 98 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. dened by the thought. The Lords had recently consented to a special measure for disarming the English Catholics, and though they had allowed Philips to leave the Tower, they had forbidden him to go near Whitehall, and might examine him on Dec. 8. the Queen's secrets at any moment. She, therefore, chrn D'Ewes's Diary, Hail. AISS. clxii. fol. 255. 2 Fernty Notes, 136. 1 64 1 THE IMPRESSMENT HILL. ^oi no longer possible. When the spiritual basis of co-operation is wanting, a quarrel arises which can be decided by the sword alone. The discussions on the Impressment J5ill were enough to show that both parties were already clutching at the sword. The im- "^^^ ^^y °" which the question of protestation was pressment Settled in the Commons, Holies carried up to the Lords a declaration that, if they did not give way on the point at issue, the Commons would hold themselves free Dec. 21. from responsibility for the blood and misery which The iMiiitia might follow. The next day the Lower House em- DiU read a " . •' first time. phasiscd Its Warning by reading the Militia Bill for The Lords the first time, and by sending up a petition from a Sco'ts to''''"'' number of Irish Protestants of English birth, setting Ireland. ^qj-^j^ j^^ detail the wretched state of Ireland, and urging the Lords to send away wTth all speed the 10,000 Scots who were but waiting for their word. ' The Lords were in a difficulty. They did not wish to cur- tail the King's prerogative, and to place Ireland in the hands of Reply of the ^u army of Scottish Presbyterians. They therefore Lords. replied by asking the Commons to assure them that if the 10,000 Scots were sent, the 10,000 English should also go. The Commons refused to give any such assurance, as matters stood. Unless the Impressment Bill were passed the English soldiers could not go. The Lords answered by voting that both the English and the Scottish force should go, whilst they pre- served a complete silence on the subject of the Impressment Their de- Bill.^ Outside the House, this decision was set down ascHbed to ^'^ ^^ obstiuacy of the bishops, and many men be- the bishops, g^n to ask onc another whether it would be enough to exclude them from the House of Lords. Would it not be better, it was said, to abolish the office entirely ? ^ For the present the removal of the bishops from the House of Lords was the object which the leaders of the Commons had set before themselves as likely to put an end to the ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 264 b. Z. J. iv. 484. 2 Ibid. iv. 485, 486. ' Salvetti's Ncivs-LetUr, j^^ I04 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. antagonism between the Houses. They knew full well what deep roots the ecclesiastical dispute had. The Commons had „ been recently engaged in inquiring into the diffi- inquiry into cultics thrown by the authorities of the City in the of'theCity way of the petitioners who had asked that the authorities, j^jshops and the Catholic lords might be deprived of their votes. ^ There was everything to show that the authorities regarded the signature of this petition as a punishable action. Lord Mayor Gurney, who had just received his pro- languageof miscd baronetcy, had asserted that the petition Mayor and 'tended to mutiny,' and that those who signed it 'did not know into what danger they fell.' The Recorder, Sir Thomas Gardiner, had taken fire at the state- ment that the exclusion of the bishops was desired by the Common Council. He swore that this was a lie. The peti- tion, he said, ' did tend to sedition, and to set men together by the ears.' He was answered that it tended to peace. " No !" he burst out, " it is for blood and cutting of throats ; and if it come to cutting of throats, thank yourselves, and your blood be upon your own heads." ^ The meaning of this was obvious. The Puritans knew that the forms of the constitution were against them. The Episco- Apparent palians had the advantage — so great at the opening the^'Epi'^ccf- ^f ^ contest, so absolutely worthless after a contest palians. j^^g proceeded for a little while — of standing on the defensive. Pym and his followers had been reduced to mere protestations which they were powerless to transform into acts. They had discovered that they could not, by their protesta- tions, compel the Lords to do anything whatever to modify the Prayer-book, or even to declare the King incapable of forming an English army on English soil without the consent of Parlia- ment. The obstruction of the Peers seemed likely to leave them masters of the field. Even to petition for a constitutional change was counted as a crime by the Lord Mayor and Re- corder of London. Nor was it possible to be certain that even in the City 1 Page 98. ^ C. 7. ii. 350. 1 64 1 . GROWING FANATICISM. 105 physical force would be on the side of the Puritans. On the Dec. 19. Sunday morning a fanatic who went by the name of Hunt^at St. Prophet Hunt, having attempted after the sermon Sepulchre's, -y^.j^g gver at St. Sepulchre's, to denounce the Divine vengeance upon an evil generation, was dragged off by the congregation, brought before the Lord Mayor, and committed to prison. In the afternoon there was a more serious Barebone's riot. Praise-God Barebone, a leather-seller, whose remarkable name afterwards brought him to an un- looked for celebrity, lived in Fleet Street near the corner of Fetter Lane. He preached so loudly to a congregation of Sepa- ratists which met in his house, as to attract the attention of the passers by. A crowd soon gathered, mainly composed of apprentices, possibly the very lads who had been so noisy at Westminster a few days before. If so, they were quite as ready to bait a Separatist as to bait a bishop. The house Tjgc 20 was stormed, and its sign was unhooked m order to provide a gallows on which to hang the preacher. Fortunately, the constables arrived in time and saved Barebone by carrying off both himself and some of his auditors in custody.' The difficulties thus raised would have been sufficient to try the nerves of the coolest statesman. As matters then stood. Difficulties it was impossible that the leaders of the Commons Hlmrnfa"^' should have remained cool. For months they had leaders. lived in a heated atmosphere of baffled plots, directed against themselves and the institutions which they firmly be- lieved to be essential to the repose of their beloved country. They had every reason to believe that such a plot was again on foot. Not only the chatter of the antechambers at Whitehall, but the talk of grave divines like Chillingworth, and of grave lawyers like Holborne, pointed to a conviction that the Crown and the Church were to be saved only by treating Pym and Hampden as Pym and Hampden had treated Strafford. In ' The Discatery of a Swarm of Separatists, E. 180. Amongst the same collection of pamphlets (E. 138) is a discourse written by Bare- bone, ar^Tuing that it was unnecessary to rebaptize persons who had been baptized ' under the defection of Antichrist,' and that infant baptism was warrantable. io6 BALANCED FORCES. CH. cii. little more than three weeks the absentee members of the Commons might again be seen on the benches of the House. If an Episcopalian majority were the result, Charles would be able to settle the Church as he pleased. There could be little doubt that nothing at all would be done to conciliate the Puri- tans. The Laudian system would return, not now outside the pale of the law, but sanctioned by the very law itself. The Church system of the Restoration would be anticipated. Yet even this was not the limit of the danger. It was rather against violence than against law that the majority of the Commons sought to provide — violence, it might be, carried out in the name of the law, and executed by troops put in motion at the command of the King. I07 CHAPTER cm. THE ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. Would Charles have patience to wait till January 12 brought back the absentee members? Patience is hardly possible except where a deliberate plan has been formed, and Charles's Charlcs was never capable of forming such a plan. intentions, j^. ^^^ hardly be doubted that the idea of bringing the leaders of the Commons before a criminal tribunal, had again and again presented itself to his mind. It was just the sort of act, combining a show of legality with a reality of violence, which would have most readily commended itself to him, and there is every reason to believe that he had sought in Scotland for evidence to convict his political opponents of com- plicity with the Scottish invasion. But with him it was always one thing to propose a course of action to himself, and another to carry it out. Unless something occurred to force his hand, it was probable that this project would never be pushed on to actual execution, and might share the fate of the two Army Plots, and of the combination with the Irish Lords. Dec. 21. That something occurred on December 21. The The new elcctions to the Common Council took place, accord- common '■ Council. iiig to custom, on that day, and the elections were largely in favour of the Puritan opposition.' The constitutional ' An account is to be found in Sowers' Tracts, iv. 5SS, but I have grave doubts of the truth of the charge that the newly elected councillors came to vote before they were legally qualified to do so. From a ^:i.m- pUet, An ai2S7i'a- fo a laU . . . pamphlet (E. 135), it would seem that there was raised a question of the treatment of the poor by the old Com- mon Councillors. io8 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. division in Parliament was reproduced in the City. The new Common Council would side with Pym. The Aldermen would side with Charles and the Peers. Charles felt that he had not a moment to lose. The opposition in the City would now have the benefit of organi- Charies nation, and the City mob would be able, as powerfully resoivestodo as it had done in the days of Strafford's trial, to something. j-'.. ,. ,,/ . ,„ dictate terms to hnii at Westmmster. The wisdom of waiting till actual tumults had taken place, and of falling back upon the dislike of the country to violence and disorder, was unknown to Charles. He directed or persuaded Balfour to surrender the Lieutenancy of the Tower, and appointed Lunsford in his place. ^ The Commons heard of Balfour's dismissal before they broke up on the 21st. As the 22 nd was observed as a fast, Lunsford ^hey could not take action till the 23rd. There was Eenant everything in the change to raise suspicion. Balfour of the had been staunch in resisting the introduction of lower. TTii- 1 Dec. 23. J^illmgsley and his soldiers when Strafford's escape was planned. Lunsford was only known as a de- bauched ruffian, who was believed to be capable of any villany. If the talk of the seizure and execution of the leaders, of which so mu,ch had been recently heard, was to be carried into practice, Lunsford was the very man to keep a tight hold on his prisoners. Hardly less significant than Lunsford's appointment was the answer which Charles at last saw fit to make to the Remon- The King's strauce. Rating the Commons severely for their fhrRemon- disrcspcct in printing their complaints against his strance. exprcss wish, he declared his entire ignorance of the existence of any malignant party in the country. In all matters ' Balfour told the Commons ' that, the Earl of Newport being made Constable of the Tower, he had moved his Majesty that either he might be wholly entrusted with that charge, or else might surrender his Lieu- tenant's place which he had by word of mouth surrendered.' — D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 266 b. Newport, however, had been Con- stable for many months ; and, though Balfour probably felt hurt at the appointment, there must have been pressure put on him to bring him to give effect to his grievance at so convenient a moment. i64i THE LAW AND THE CHURCH. 109 of religion he was quite ready to pay attention to grievances which might be presented to him in a ParHamentary way, or, in other words, with the concurrence of both Houses. The right of the bishops to their seats in the Upper House was part of the fundamental laws of England. If Parliament advised the calling of a National Synod, he would take the request into consideration, though he was persuaded that no Church could be found in which there was greater purity of doctrine than in the Church of England, or in which the government and dis- cipline were more free from superstition. This he was ready to maintain with his life against Popery on the one hand, and the irreverence of schismatics and Separatists on the other. As to the demand for a change of evil counsellors, he could only say that he knew of none to whom that description applied, and that he had always been careful to choose men of ability and experience.^ Such was Charles's profession of faith. He stood for the ancient Constitution and the ancient Church. Some slight Nature of changcs might be needed, but they must be changes Charles's which would sccurc the approval of the House of appeal. _ ' ' Lords and of himself That his words would find an echo there could be little doubt. Not all England was Puritan. At Dover, the recent proclamation on religion had been received with shouts of applause. "God bless his Majesty!" was the cry, "we shall have our old religion again ; " ^ and the same feeling undoubtedly existed in many parts of the country. The stand taken by the King rallied to him the House of The Lords Lords. To a request from the Commons that they p^'itfon^for would join in a petition for the dismissal of Lunsford, \^mt^l\. ^ ^nd for the api)ointment of Conyers in his stead, the Peers returned a blank refusal.^ The reply of the Lords was taken in evil part by the House of Commons. For the first time the Peers had refused con- ' Rushtucrth, iv. 452. - Perceval to Pennington, Dec. 18, S. P. Dom. * C. y. ii. 354- ^- 7- iv. 487. no ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. currence in protesting against a manifest danger to the persons T^,. , of the members of the Lower House. What avow- Uispleasure of the Com- able reason, it was asked, could the King have had mons. ... for the appomtment of 'a man given to drmking, swearing, and quarrelling, much in debt, and very desperate P ' Yet what were the Commons to do ? They had no constitu- tional power, to pass over the resistance of the Lords. The City was, no doubt, on their side. On the afternoon of the 23rd a petition asking for the rooting out of Episcopacy was brought in with 30,000 signatures. The leaders of the House, however, had no wish to appeal to force. They preferred to remain as long as possible on constitutional ground. On the ^ 24th the Militia Bill received a second reading, iJec. 24. " and a special appeal for co-operation was sent up to the Lords. In this protest the Lords were conjured to join in a declara- tion to the King of the danger into which the kingdom had fallen through the machinations of Papists and other mons'decia- disafifccted pcrsous. Lunsford's appointment was t'he°safeti' of Sufficient evidence that this design was now approach- dom!""^" ing maturity. As the Lords had refused to join in petitioning against that appointment, the Commons now declared ' before God, and the whole kingdom,' that they had done all that was in their power to do. They had frus- trated the design of bringing in the Irish army, and the plots for bringing up the English army and seizing the Tower. The malignant party was now encouraged by the progress of the Irish Rebellion, and by the delays in the House of Lords. All that was left for the Commons to do was to protest their inno- cence of the blood which would be spilt if Lunsford were con- tinued in his charge. They would appeal to the King to grant such commissions as would enable them ' to defend his Royal person and his loyal subjects from the cruelty and rage of the Papists,' and they hoped that such of the Lords as shared their apprehensions would join them in making them known to his Majesty, and would do ' what appertains to persons of honour and fidelity for the common good.' The Lords were in a difficulty. Men like Bristol had no 1 64 1 THE COMMAND OF THE TOWER. m liking for plots either Catholic or Protestant. Lunsford was The Lords '^'^^'^^^1 ^ champion to their taste. It was no doubt Hi^adiffi- in order to give Charles an opportunity of withdraw- ing from his false position, that the Lords voted an adjournment of the debate on the Commons' declaration till the Houses met again on the 27th after the short Christmas recess. Yet twenty-two Peers not only voted against the ad- journment, but formally recorded a protest against any delay in taking up a (juestion which concerned ' the instant good and safety of the King and kingdom.'' The danger stood imminent before the eyes of men. " So as now," wrote D'Ewes, after recording the protest of the Lords' Prospect of minority, " all things hastened apace to confusion and danger. calamity, from which I scarce saw any possibility in human reason for this poor Church and kingdom to be delivered. My hope only was in the goodness of that God who had several times during this Parliament already been seen in the Mount and delivered us beyond the expectation of ourselves and of our enemies from the jaws of destruction."^ One step the Commons attempted to take in the face of the impending danger. Newport was Constable of the Tower, and New ort consec^uently Lunsford's superior officer. They, there- asked to fore, requested Newport to take personal charge of take charge ^r^^^■^^■^ y r of the the fortress, •* as he had done before under somewhat similar circumstances. They knew that they could count on Newport. Some one had told Charles that during his absence in Scotland there had been a conversation turning upon a plot of the King's. Newport, it was said, had burst in with — • " If there be such a plot, yet here are his wife and children." When Charles asked Newport whether he had heard any dis- , . cussion about seizing the Oueen and her children. but IS . . dismissed the pccr answcrcd in the negative. " I am sorry," Constable- replied Charles scornfully, " for your lordship's ^ '^' memory." As soon as he heard of the request of the Commons to Newport, he dismissed him from the Constable- ship of the Tower.'* 3 Z. y. iv. 489. 2 D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 278 b. C. J. ii. 357. ■• L. y. iv. 490. C. y. ii. 357. 112 ATTEMPT aV THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. Charles was going too far for his own supporters. On the 26th the Lord Mayor assured him that, unless Lunsford were removed, he could not answer for the peace of the Lunsford City. The apprentices would try to storm the Tower. ismisse . ggf-Qj-g such remoustrances Charles could not but give away, and before night Lunsford was dismissed from a post to which he should never have been appointed. His suc- cessor was Sir John Byron, a brave and honourable man, warmly attached to the King, and who bore a character without a stain. ^ What was done, however, could not be undone. The ap- pointment of Lunsford in December was what the orders given to Billingsley had been in May. In both cases the King had kept within his legal rights. Li both cases he had created amongst his opponents a sense of imminent danger. When the Commons assembled on the 27th they were met by news from Ireland, even more discouraging than before. St. Pej, Leger, the President of Munster, announced that, un- Fresh news jggg rcinforcements arrived from England, there was from Ire- _ ° ' land. no hope of saving the province. Lord Ranelagh, the President of Connaught, declared that, though order might have been maintained with 500 men in November, it would need 3,000 now. Yet if an army must go to Ireland, how could the King be trusted with the appointment of its commanders ? The rebels had given out that they had authority from the Queen to take arms for the Romish religion. What was of far greater importance, there was now evidence that the Catholic Lords of the Pale were astir and had entered into communication with the rebels. Lord Dillon, who had crossed into Ireland in October, in all probability as the bearer of Charles's incitement to the Irish lords to raise his standard in Dubhn, had stopped in Longford on his way south, to listen to the terms demanded by the rebels, and had carried those terms to the Irish Peers. At a short meeting of the Irish Parliament, now entirely in the hands of the Catholics, it had been resolved to open negotia- tions with the northern rebels, and to despatch Dillon, though ' Beie to rennington, Dec. 30, S. P. Dom. 1 64 1 ■ THE CATHOLIC PEERS. i'3 he was himself Protestant, to England. On his arrival, Dillon Lord Dillon informed Charles that the Catholic lords were ready in England, jq support the Crown, on the condition of complete The terms liberty of religion and of the complete independence Catholic of the Irish Parliament.* Pyni, who does not seem to Peers. }^j^yg \)&&Vi acquainted with this negotiation, knew of Dillon's arrival. Dillon was arrested and examined by a com- mittee, from which, on the 27th, Pym made his report. That report disclosed at least part of the plan of the Catholic peers Dillon's The Lords Justices were to be removed, and Ormond scheme. ^^,^g ^q ^^^ j.|^g|j. pj^^gg 'pj^g jj-jg]., Parliament, when it met in January, was to continue in session. At its recommenda- tion some officers would be dismissed, and others put in their room, because, as matters stood, 'most of the officers' were ' more faithful to the Parliament of England than to the King.' The petition which Dillon had brought from Longford, in which full toleration was demanded, would then be granted.^ Such were the overtures of which Dillon had made himself the mouthpiece. Can it be wondered that the Commons saw „,^ - in them a fresh danger to the State } It is true that 1 he Cora- '-' mons take thev did not know, as we know, that the plan for alarm. " , . , , . , ^^ supplantmg the Lords Justices by Ormond, and for securing the toleration of the Irish Catholics* had been in agitation during the whole summer, and was now favourably regarded by the King.^ ' Giustinian to the Dotre, Dec. — — ^^' ^^, Ven. Transcripts, R.O. ^ 27, Jan. 3 ' ^ ^ - D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. 282 b. ^ On Jan. — , 1642, Rossetti wrote from Cologne, upon news derived from England somewhere about Dec. 20, that ' loro Maesta per restituirsi . . . nello stato di prima non puoco speravanonelleforzedegl' Hibernesi,' and that the Irish were gaining strength, ' non senza intrinseco gusto del R^ d' Inghilterra, ancorche egli mostri et non possi far di meno di mostrare estrinsecamente I'opposito, poiche se bene vien ci6 discorso in di versa maniera, tutto pero sino dall' anno passato andavasi disponendo per potere poi anche tener in freno quel Parlamento dalle precipitose risolutioni che si facevano contro la Regia autorita, intendendosi oltre di cio di sradicare affatto la Religione Puritana, e concedere la liberta di conscienza a Catto- lici con r uso libero della Protestante et queste due solamente fossero e VOL. X. I 114 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. Nor was it merely a future peril against which it was neces- sary to guard. Almost at the very moment at which the House was listening anxiously to Dillon's revelations, the blow had fallen in Ireland. By the junction of the Catholic lords with the Ulster rebels, what had hitherto been a local rising had grown to the dimensions of a national resistance. It is unnecessary to enter in detail into the causes which brought about the breach between the Lords Justices and The Lords the Lords of the Pale. Each, with good reason, ih"e CaThoiic thoroughly distrusted the other. The Lords Justices Lords. believed that the Lords were intriguing against them with the King, and that they would never cordially support a government by which their religion was proscribed. The Lords believed that the Lords Justices would never agree to tolerate their religion, or allow them to exercise any political influence. On December 3 the Lords Justices invited the Lords of the ^ Pale to come to Dublin to a conference on the Dec. 3. The Lords State of the kingdom. The Lords, suspecting danger, to'mbUn, declined to come,^ and assembled on the 9th at Dec. 7. Swords to consult together, refusing to disperse on but refuse to orders SO to do. A few days later Sir Charles Coote was sent out by "Dec I => ft* Sir Charles the' Govemmeut to punish some wreckers at Clontarf. u)°ciontrrf Already that officer had earned for himself the detes- tation of the Irish. Having been sent against the Wicklow rebels he had led the way in those deeds of cruelty which were soon to balance the cruel actions of the Irish in the North. ^ His soldiers had been recruited from the Protestant fugitives from Ulster, and such men knew no mercy. To them an Irish- man was but a savage beast, to be destroyed without pity. It was at least believed that Coote had looked on approvingly when one of his soldiers was carrying the body of an infant on the point of a pike, and had jestingly observed that he ' liked permesse e stabilite, conforme pur hoggi di si vede andaisi levando a poco a poco tutte 1' altre.' ' The Lords Justices and Council to Kildare and others, Dec. 3. The Lords of the Pale to the Lords Justices, Dec. 7, Temple, part ii. 22. - Diary of Coote's Force, Clanndon MSS. 1,584. 1 64 1 -A NATIONAL REBELLION. 115 such frolics.' At Clontarf, he burnt not only the village, but the house of a gentleman who was at that time at the meeting at Swords. The Lords at Swords were not more ready to disperse upon the news of the outrage. The whole country round was in a disturbed condition. Whilst Irishmen were abroad plundering English troops, English troops were attacking the plunderers, cutting down and hanging those whom they caught The Lords and their followers had already abandoned Swords. On the day on which Clontarf was burnt they ^ had summoned a meeting of the gentry of the county Junction of . . the Lords of of Mcath, at the hill of Croftv. Whilst they were the Pale with .,,... . ," , • i the Ulster Still m discussion, a party rode up, amongst which were the leaders of the Ulster rebels. It was not long before an agreement was struck up, and two discordant elements were merged, at least for a time, in national resistance.' Ormond stood by the King, and took no part in the resist- ance of the Catholic lords; but the relations between him and the Lords Justices were not such as to make any the Lords military success possible. He would gladly have at- justices. t^^cked the Northern rebels earlier, but the Lords Justices, prudent from their own point of view, preferred waiting for a Puritan army which would show no mercy to Irish Catho- lics. Already, before the actual combination between the two Irish parties had been formed, the Lords Justices and their supporters in Dublin congratulated themselves on the prospect opened before them. " Those great countries of Leinster, Ulster, and the Pale," they wrote to Leicester, " now lie the more open to His Majesty's free disposal, and to a general settlement of peace and religion by introducing the English. "^ The consequences of the reluctance of the Lords Justices to act vigorously, excepting through their own instru- Sir William . . ,,,.,,. St. Legerin ments, werc bitterly felt in Munster. Sir \\ illiam unster. g^.^ Legcr, the President of that province, was a hale old soldier, with a soldier's contempt for unarmed multitudes, ' Carte's Ormond^ iii. 141. ■^ The Lords Justices and some of the Council to Leicester, Dec. 14, Carte's Ormond, iii. 176. I 2 ii6 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. and a soldier's preference for prompt action in time of peril. "In these days, my lord." he had written to Ormond, "Magna Carta must not be wholly insisted upon." The Munster rebels must be attacked at once. "It is not possible," he thought, "that 12,000 naked rogues could stand before 1,000 well-armed horse. ... I would venture my life to go through the North with 2.000 foot and 600 horse." ' Not long after these words were written his skill and courage were put to the test. In Tipperary a rabble carried off a large number of cattle belonging to the President's brother-in-law. Taking with him two troops of horse, St. Leger rode off in pursuit of the offenders, killing and hanging those whom he could seize, sometimes, it is said, persons who had no ^°''' ^^' part in the robbery. The news of these violent pro- ceedings raised the nobility and gentry of the district. Some of them told St. Leger that he had been to blame in exaspe- rating the people. Replying fiercely that they were all rebels, and that he would not trust a soul of them, he rode off to Waterford. Subsequent attempts to restore peace were un- availing. The English were everywhere plundered when out of the protection of stone walls, and there were some murders. The influence of the Irish gentlemen and of the Catholic priests was thrown on the side of mercy, but that influence was not alwaj'S available. By the middle of December Mun- December. ^^^^ ^^^^ -^ ^^jj x&-wo\V, and the English had been driven for refuge to such fortified posts as they still held.^ By the vigour of Clanrickarde some sort of order was still preserved in Connaught. Such was the news which dinned upon the ears of the Com- Dec. 27.' mons at Westminster. Many of them were convinced produMd that the King's advisers were at the bottom of the c"ommons. mischicf, and, as we now know, they were not wholly Charge Jn the wrong. Unfortunately, they struck in the B'ristoi. wrong Yjlace. A member stood up and named Bristol as an evil counsellor. Orders were given to produce the ' St. Leger to Ormond, Nov. 8, 13, Carte's Ormond, Letters xxxiv. , XXXV., xxxviii. 2 Account of the insurrection in Tipperary, Carte MSS. ii. fol. 74. 1641 .A MOB IN PALACE YARD. 117 letters in which, in 1626, ho was charged by the King with having persuaded him at Madrid to change his religion. ' Even amongst the Lords, the events of the last few days had not been without effect. They asked the Commons to join them in bringing to justice the person who had informed the King against Newport. Their attention was, however, soon . drawn in another direction. A crowd of apprentices Westmin- and Others, attracted by curiosity or love of excite- ment, had come to Westminster to see the members as they entered the House. When the Lords arrived they broke out into shouts of " No Bishops ! No Popish Lords ! " Williams clutched at a lad who was amongst the noisiest. His Williams comrades rushed to the rescue. The Archbishop in;.uited. ^y^j, hustled and his gown torn. About 500 of the rioters poured into Westminster Hall, where they found Luns- ford, and a party of officers who had formerly served in the dis- ,„, . charged army. Lunsford and his friends drew their I he rioters ° •' chased by swords and chased the mob out of the Hall, following them up King Street, and striking at those whom they could reach. A few of the fugitives were wounded, and for a time the officers appeared to have everything their own way. After a while the runaways recovered their spirits, and with a shower of stones drove their assailants to take refuge in Whitehall.2 The Lords not unnaturally treated the appearance of the mob as an interference with their freedom. On the one hand ,, they offered to do justice to any man who had been Measures ■> ■' ■' proposed by injured by the officers. On the other hand, they the Lords. , ■, , ^ ... ,,. asked the Commons to jom m a declaration agamst riotous assemblies, and to petition the King for a guard.^ The danger to themselves was a very present one. The crowd had remained shouting and gesticulating after its vic- tory, and, when the sitting came to an end Hertford warned ' D'Ewes's Diary, /far/. A/SS. clxii. fol. 284 b. C. J. ii. 358. - Slingsby to Pennington, Dec. },Q, S. P. Dom. Salvetti's Ncu-s- j ., Dec. 31 Letter, -. . ' Jan. 10 " L. J. iv. 493. ii8 ATTEMPT OX THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. the bishops of the risk which they would run in the streets, and advised them to pass the night within the precincts of the House. "These people," he said, "vow they will watch you at your going out, and will search every court with torches so as you cannot escape." The danger was not so great as Herford imagined, and the bishops reached their homes in safety. ' The next morning only two of the bishops ^ were bold enough to take their seats. It is easy to ridicule those who Dec 28 absented themselves as unreasonably careful for their Most of the own Safety. The mob had done no great harm as absem^ yet. But the only thing that can be safely predicted emseves. ^|- ^^ excited and undisciplined mass of human beings is that its future proceedings are beyond calculation, and the bishops cannot be blamed for refusing to expose themselves to danger. By this time the mob was thoroughly bent on mis- chief Missing their sport with the bishops, they rushed to Attack on Westminster Abbey to break down the organ and AiTbe"'"'''" ^^^"^ ^\'i'xx:. Fortunately, they were kept at bay by Williams's servants, assisted by some gentlemen whom he called to his aid. If both Houses had combined to restore order, the task would have been easy. Unhappily, after the appointment of The Com- Lunsford and the examination of Dillon, the majority t^°WamI"the ^^ ^he Commons was far too much afraid of the mob, King to join the Lords in taking action against the mob. They firmly refused to throw blame upon the citizens. "God forbid," said Pym, "the House of Commons should proceed in any way to dishearten people to obtain their just desires In such a way."^ "The greater part of the House," noted D'Ewes, "thought it unreasonable to make any such declaration at this time, to discontent the citizens of London, our surest friends, when so many designs and plots were ' Hall's ' Hard Measure,' Works, i. xlv. - Goodman of Gloucester and Pierce of Bath and Wells. H. of Lords' Mimite Book. 3 These words, given by Clarendon (iv. 14), are taken from Dover's Notes, Clarendon MSS. 1,603. 1641 . DIGBY'S MOTION. 119 daily consulted of against our safety." The Lords were in- formed that the Commons would join them in asking but offer to . j o join the for a guard, if Essex might command it. In a con- asking for a versation which ensued Cromwell drove the nail K^sexmay home by moving an address to the King to remove command. Bristol from his counsels, on the ground that he had recommended him in the spring to bring the northern army to his support' There is little doubt that Cromwell was mistaken. The Commons, however, were not likely to interpret Bristol's conduct ,. . . more favourably when they learned that a debate had Motion m _ . ■' ■' the Lords been raised in the Lords, on a motion to declare ment is not that, in conscquencc of the continued presence of the rabble. Parliament was no longer free.^ Of this motion Bristol's son, Digby, was the warm supporter, and pro- bably the actual proposer.^ A feeling sprang up in the Lower House that the proposal meant more than its words implied. If Parliament was not free now, it could hardly be said to have been free in May. If so, it might be held that Charles was not bound by the Act prohibiting a dissolution, and he might proceed at once either to get rid of a Parliament which he detested, or to adjourn it to some place where the citizens would not be able to come to its rescue."* It is, of course, possible that less than this was intended. If the motion had been carried and had been followed by the adjournment of the House of Lords for a considerable time, the King would have had the Commons alone to deal with. ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 287 b. ^ The connection is plainly seen in the unfinished sentence which concludes the notice in the Minute Book. " Upon the rabble's coming and pressing about the Parliament there was much dispute whether this Parliament " ^ The words ascribed to Digby are ' that the House of Commons have invaded the privileges of the Lords' House, and the liberty of the subject,' and ' that this is no free Parliament.' — L. J. iv. 495. Rossetli says he ' prese 1' assunto di provare ' this proposition, which looks as if he had pro- posed the motion. — Rossetti to Barberlni, Jan. ^ , K. 0. Transcripts. ^ Smith to Pennington, Dec. 30, S. P. Dom. I20 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. The Commons alone would have been constitutionally powerless to effect anything whatever. Whether the King had made up his mind or not to seize their leaders upon a charge of treason cannot be known ; but it can hardly be doubted that he had long contemplated such a measure, or that the scheme was favoured by a far larger number of persons than those who were ready to avow it after the attempt had been made and failed. That failure' had begun already. The perception of danger from the King as well as from the House of Commons made the Lords an uncertain support for the King to lean on. As far as was possible they strove to do their duty. Royalist as the ^. . Upper House was, it voted, though by a bare majority of four, that Parliament was free. ^ The next day they Dec. 29. not only consulted the judges as to the legal mode of dealing with the mob, but they directed the Attorney-General ^, , , to draw up a proclamation forbidding the wearing of The Lords ^ ^ , _ . ° ° try to weapons in the vicmity of Parliament. They were wiser than the King. They wished to free the Houses alike from tumultuous citizens and swaggering officers. Unhappily the Lords could not count on Charles. To repress all violence, and to throw the blame on those who persisted in attempting to disturb the peace, was too simple a course for him. There can be little doubt that his mind had Dec. 28. been strongly attracted to Ireland once more by The King's Dillon's mcssagc, and on the 28th he had informed proposal to ° . , . , send voiun- the Lords that he was hunself ready to raise 10,000 tccrs to • Ireland. voluntcers for Ireland, if the Commons would find them pay.^ The very next day those, if any there were, who were disposed to trust him with the selection of such a force, Dec. 29. received a warning against the imprudence. On Dinner j-}^g jqth the King invited to dinner the very officers given to the . officers. against whom complaints had been made, as a com- pliment to them on their appointment to commands in the ^ L. y. iv. 494. Rossetti to Barberini, Jan. '--, R. O. Transcripls. The attendances given in the Minute Books show that 54 were present, and that some of the Opposition, who had protested on the 24th, were absent. ' L. J. V. 494. 1 64 1 - CONFLICTIXG FORCES. 121 army destined for Ireland.' A force selected by the King, and otficered by Lunsford and his companions, was the new danger against which Pym had to provide. It was, indeed, difficult to keep the peace amidst such jarring elements. In those days of trouble, two names, des- ,. ,. tined to a wide celebrity, were heard of for the first Cavaliers . . •' and Round- tuiie. Thc high-mettlcd gentlemen snceringly applied the appellation of Roundheads to the short-haired apprentices who had rejected the unloveliness of lovelocks. Their adversaries retorted by speaking of the officers as Cavaliers • — a word which carried with it a flavour of opprobrium, as im- plying a certain looseness and idleness of military life. Before long the two nicknames would be the accepted terms for two great political parties. When the Cavaliers came out from dinner, eight or ten of them strolled in front of the Palace. There they found about a hundred men, armed with clubs, swords, and staves. The fray in , ,. ,, -k-t t-. • i -»t -.^ . , -, front of bawlmg out "No Bishops! No Popish Lords! Hang up the Popish Lords !" Spying the group of officers, they shouted, " There stand redcoats, a knot of Papists ! " and one of the crowd followed up the abuse by throwing a clot of dirt. On this ' the gentlemen, with their swords drawn, went over the rails to them, and so the affray began, many swords being drawn on either side, and those who would deliver their swords, the gentlemen gave them a kick, and bade them begone ; others that resisted had some hurt.' Other similar combats — if combats they can be called — oc- curred in the neighbourhood. Some sixty citizens, according to one account, and one or two gentlemen were more or less injured.'-^ As they went off, the citizens threatened to return on ' The disturbance, of whicli an account will be immediately given, happened ' Ic jour que le Roy traittoit les colonnels et capitaines qui doibvent aller en Irelande.'— Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan. - . Groen van Prinsterer, 2me ser. tome iii. 49S. - Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Tan. — , Groen van Prinsterer, 2me ser. tome iii. 398. Examinations of Cox, Downs, and Sherlok, Dec. 29, S. P. Dom. The gentlemen ' in all their skirmishes have avoided thrust- 122 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. the morrow for their revenge. At Court it was expected that they would come 10,000 strong.' In the face of this threat Charles finally determined to throw over the Lords. Instead of combining with them to set ^, , up some constitutional barrier against tumultous (^rjot-lpc sets a guard at asscmblies, he fell back upon the officers whom he had gathered round him. He directed that all the gentlemen of his Court should wear swords, and that a guard should be posted at Whitehall Gate. Those very men whose presence was offensive to both Houses were to form his main- stay in time of trouble. Worse was yet to come. As the King was going to bed, Williams arrived with a protest, signed by himself and eleven other bishops, for presentation to the King and of the the Lords. The bishops, it declared, having been li ops. violently assaulted in coming to the House, and lately chased away and put in danger of their lives, could find 'no redress or protection.' They therefore protested that all laws, orders, votes, resolutions, and determinations made in their absence were null and void ; or, in other words, that the vote of the 28th, declaring Parliament to be free, was to be set aside as irregular.^ They concluded by asking the King to command that this protest should be entered amongst the records of the House:^ Was this protest, so memorable in its consequences, in reality the work of Williams ? Charles took it from \v ho was •' the author the hand of the Archbishop, and, without reading a word, gave it to Nicholas. The next morning Nicho- Dec. 30. lag^ jjiso without reading a word, gave it to the Lord Keeper, with instructions to lay it before the Lords.'* It is ing at them because they would not kill them.' — Slingsby to Pennington, Dec. 30, S. P. Dom. ' Smith to Pennington, Dec. 30, S. P. Dom. "^ Rossetti distinctly points to this particular vote as the one to be annulled by the protest. — Rossetti to Barberini, Jan. -, P. O. Transcripts. ' L. 7. iv. 496. * Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Tan. — , Groen van J^rinsterer, ser. 2me, tome iii. 497. 1641 . UNION OF THE HOUSES. 123 impossible to believe that if Charles had never seen it before he would not have taken the trouble to make himself master of its contents. The initiation of the plan may, in all prob- ability, be traced to Digby, the most indiscreet of Charles's par- tisans. On the afternoon of the 2Sth he had been baffled in his attempt to obtain the assent of the Lords to a declaration that Parliament was no longer free. What can be more prob- able than that he was the suggester of a scheme by which that vote might be treated as null and void ? \\'hatever doubt may be entertained as to the authorship of the protest, there can be none as to its effect. At a time when Effect of the ^^^ Hionarchy had no better friends in England than protest on the Pecrs, it administered to them a severe rebuke the Lords. by inviting the King to order them to register an assertion that Parliament was not free, in the teeth of their vote of the previous day. Even the proved fidelity of the Lords gave way before such an insult as this. They at once communicated the protest to the Commons as ' containing The Lords ^'S^ ^"^ dangerous consequence,' and extending to side with the the dccp intrenching upon the fundamental privileges Commons. ... ' i o and bemg of Parliament.' Once more the two Houses were of one mind. Charles had in a moment done all for which during many weary weeks Pyni had been strug- gling in vain. No wonder that, when the news reached the Commons, not a few of the members were overjoyed, ' at this Pym moves indiscrect and unadvised act of the bishops.''^ At tr^U'r^"^ Pym's motion the doors were closed. He, at least, did should "°'- '^^^^^^'^ ^^^^ ^'^^ authors of the protest intended be sent for. to confinc themsclves to words. There was, he said, a design to be executed upon the House of Commons that very day, and it was therefore desirable to ask the City to send their trained bands to guard the imperilled Parliament.' There can be litde doubt that Pym spoke on trustworthy Impending information. It is inconceivable that so much trouble danger. should have been taken to obtain an excuse for treating the Parliament as no longer free unless there had been ' Z. 7. iv. 496. 2 D'Ewes's Diary, Marl. .USS. clxii. fol. 294 b. ' Ii'ii/. fol. 2^5. 124 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. an intention of proceeding against the leaders of the Commons as enslavers of the commonwealth. Nor was it merely the present position of the Commons that was at stake. If all that had been done in the Lords since December 27 was to be annulled on account of the pressure of the mob, all that had been done since the meeting of Parliament might be annulled on account of the pressure of the Scottish army. It would doubtless be unjust to the King to imagine that he seriously contemplated the reconstitution of the Star Chamber and the High Commission, especially as he did not need them for the purpose which he had now on hand ; but there were certainly some amongst his followers who would have been glad to have treated the whole work of the Long Parliament as illegal. In a paper of jocular queries circulated in the City in the preced- ing summer, it was asked, ' whether statutes enforced upon the King with the awe of an army will be of any force hereafter,'^ and there can be little doubt that many of the gentlemen now guarding Whitehall would be ready to answer the question in the negative. Those officers were growing formidable. " I never," wrote an observer of passing events, " saw the Court so full of gentlemen ; every one comes thither with their swords. This day 500 gentlemen of the Inns of Court came to offer their services to the King. The officers of the army since these tumults have watched and kept a Court of Guard in the Pre- sence Chamber, and are entertained upon the King's charge ; a company of soldiers put into the Abbey for the defence of it. The citizens, for the most part, shut up their shops, and all gentlemen provide themselves with arms as in time of open hostility. Both factions look very big, and it is a wonder there is no more blood yet spilt, seeing how earnest both sides are. Civil war There is no doubt but if the King do not comply feared. ^^ith thc Commous in all things they desire a civil war must ensue, which every day we see approaches nearer."^ As usually happens before the outbreak of war, the deeper causes which made it possible were almost forgotten in the im- mediate dangers of the situation. On one side was the alarm ' Queries, Aug. , S. P. Dom. ■■= Slingsby to Pennington, Dec. 30, S. P. Dom. 1 64 1 ■ THE BISHOPS IMPEACHED. 125 caused by the mob, on the other side was the alarm caused by the armed retinue of the King. Nor was it unhkely that the ofificers at Whitehall would soon have troops at their disposal. That very day drums were beating in the streets for the levy of the volunteers who were to form the army which was to be commanded by Lunsford and his comrades.' Yet, in spite of all this, Pym found it hard to move the Commons to a full sense of the danger in which they were. They refused to assent to his motion for summoning the trained bands from the City, contenting themselves with again appealing to the Lords to join them in asking for a guard. In other respects the House was ready to answer to the signal given them by the Peers. At Pym's motion, the bishops who had signed the protest were impeached as guilty of mentofthe high trcason by endeavouring to subvert the funda- mental laws of the kingdom, and the very being of Parliament. One member indeed said that ' he did not believe they were guilty of treason, but that they were stark mad ; and therefore desired that they might be sent to Bedlam.' ^ No other voice was raised in their favour. The impeachment was at once accepted by the Lords. Be- fore nisrht ten of the twelve found themselves in the Tower. Their im- The Other two were sent to the House of the Usher prisonment. ^f ^^6 Black Rod, on the ground of their age and infirmity. The wits made merry over Williams's mischance. One caricature represented him as a decoy duck leading his brethren into captivity. Another depicted him as clad in military guise, with a musket in his hand, and a bandoleer slung over his episcopal robes. Laud, it is said, was much amused at this last stroke of wit at his rival's expense.' ' The fact is mentioned in Salvetti's Nnus-Letter of , ^^' ^', but as the Jan. lo arrest of the bishops is spoken of as having taken place — 'qiiesta sera ' — it is evident that the passage was written on the 30th. A Committee of the Commons was named on the 31st to inquire into the matter. — C J. ii. 365- - C. J. ii. 363. Clarendon, iv. 1 45. => Heylyn's Cypr. Angl. 492. 126 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. High Treason was a large word to apply to that which the bishops had done, most of them in mere inadvertence. There can, however, be no doubt that they had allowed themselves to become the tools of men more unscrupulous than themselves. Their protest was the first step in a course by which Charles was to make himself again master of the State under legal forms. Their impeachment was the first step in a course by which the leaders of the Commons were to make themselves masters of the State under legal forms. The two rival authorities had been playing a game for the good will of the House of Lords, and Charles, with victory in his hands, had thrown his chance away. No doubt Pym never thought of sending the bishops to the scaffold. It was enough for him if he could get rid of their Intention of advcrsc votes. From that time no more than four Pym. bishops took their seats in the House. ^ Yet, even then the peers persisted in their efforts at mediation. They The Peers Still refuscd to ask that Essex might command the 'heh-'media- g^^^^ which all acknowledged to be necessary, on tion. the ground that the King ought not to be pressed to name a particular person.'^ The moderation of the peers was lost on Charles. He took no steps to restore confidence. The Commons gave orders, as The Com- they had formerly done, to some of their own mem- t^ath^em'- '-'^^^ ^^'^^° happened to be justices of the peace, to selves. see to the security of their House. The next day Dec. 31. ^]^ey conveyed to the King an independent request for the appointment of the Earl of Essex, and directed halberts to be brought into the House for their own use in case of a sudden attack. At the same time they adjourned till January 3, ordering that a Committee of the whole House should meet at Guildhall. The House could not adjourn itself to any place but Westminster. A committee, it was now held, could meet anywhere. Both parties were of one mind in wishing to conciUate the ' On Jan. 3 and 4 there were only four bishops present. — Hotise of Lords' Miitufe Book. ^ Ibid. 1641 ■ NEIV MINISTERS. 127 City. On the same day as that on which the Committee was The City appointed, a request was addressed by the King to prei^rve ^^^ Common Council, that they would lend their order. trained bands to preserve order, and the Common Council had answered in the afifirmative.' Yet, in spite of this, the King's situation w-as sufficiently gloomy. It was probably on the following day, the first of the 1642. New Year, that he took the unexpected step of send- jaTi. I. ing for Pym, and offering him the Chancellorship of The King , „ i t^ /- i sends for the iLxchcquer. ^ Uhether Pym refused to come, or ^'"" Charles repented his hasty decision, cannot now be Culpepper knowu. Two hours later he had fixed on Culpepper or^rhe^Ex-' fo^ ^^^ Po^^' ^^^t^ Falkland as his colleague in the FLIkiand^"'* vacant secretaryship. At the Sunday sitting of the Secretary. 2nd, they wcrc both sworn as Privy Councillors, though they did not officially take up their appointments till a few days later. In themselves, neither Culpepper nor Falkland was likely to render much assistance to Charles. Culpepper was a ready debater, and nothing more ; whilst Falkland's sensitive mind was more anxious to avoid the responsibility of doing anything that he could not justify to himself, than to strike out the path of safety for others amongst the dangers which showed them- selves on every side. The real leader of the party in the Commons was Hyde, as Bristol was its leader in the Lords, though Hyde preferred to remain an unofficial adviser. What conduct Hyde would have ' C. y. ii. 364, 365. An Exact Collection, 30. Rushworth, iv. 472. ^ " The King is too flexible and too good-natured ; for within two hours, and a great deal less, before he made Culpepper Chancellor of the Exchequer, he had sent a messenger to bring Pym unto him, and would have given him that place." — Bering to Lady Bering, Jan. 13. Larking's Proceedings in Kent, 66. As Mr. Forster shows, Culpepper was announced to the Council as Chancellor of the Exchequer on Sunday, the 2nd. The Council was usually held after the morning service, and it is more likely that the message to Pym would have been sent on Saturday than when the King was just going to the chapel. Besides, Culpepper may very well have been informed of his appointment on the ist. 128 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. recommended at this conjuncture is of no historical impor- tance. No doubt he regarded as traitorous the at- Hyde as an .,,,.., unofficial tcuipt to effect a change of law by brmgmg down a mob to intimidate the House of Lords ; and it is prob- able enough that he regarded Pym and a few others as having justly earned the penalty which he had himself joined in award- ing to Strafford. - But we may be sure that no reasonable man would have advised an attack upon the leaders of the Commons at a moment when the House of Lords had been alienated by conduct so irritating. If Charles was about to make a false move, it was not from Hyde, or Culpepper, that the impulse came. Just as Charles fancied that he had once more placed him- self on constitutional ground, he received news from the City ^, „ ,. which must have filled him with agony and alarm. The Parha- . ^ mentarj- There had been, it was said, long secret conferences said to amongst the Parliamentary leaders, who had betaken impeach'the thcmselvcs to Guildhall to attend the Committee. Queen. They had convinced themselves that the Queen was at the root of the mischief, and had resolved to impeach her as having conspired against the public liberties, and as having held intelligence with the Irish rebels.' ' They, wrote the Venetian ambassador, ' fermati in lunghe secrete conferenze, persuaderano a se stessi che le mosse del Re et i rissentimenti di lui procedessero da consigli della Regina, deliberarono percio di accu- sarla in Parlamento di conspiratione contro la liberta publica, e di secreta intelligenza nelle sollevationi d' Irlanda, il che tutto penetrato dalle Maesta loro prese espediente il Re di abandonare 1' uso della disimulatione, e dichiarare al Parlamento della Camera Alta colpevrili di tradiuiento cinque Parlamentarii della Bassa ed uno della Alta.' — Giustinian to the Doge, Tan. -^, Vcn. Transcripts. Heenvliet says much the same thing: 'qu'il^ 17 commencerent a parler, comm' on m'a dit, de mettre la main sur la Royne, et que ce n'estoyent que ces six surnommes.' — Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan. — , Groen van Prinsterer, 2me ser. tome iii. 497. An Eng- lish letter reports that ' it is said Parliament have been treating of some- thing concerning the Queen, et hinc illcs lacrynia:.'' — Berners to Hobart, Jan. 10, Tanner MSS. Ixvi. fol. 234. All this bears out Clarendon's state- ment (iv. 280). On Jan. 20 Stapleton informed the Commons that the i64i A COUNTER-ATTACK. 129 No one knew better than Henrietta Maria what a crushing case could be made out against her. Army plots and Irish The Queen's plots, intrigues With the Pope and intrigues with the fear. Priuce of Orange, must have stood out clearly in her memory, to be recalled not with shame, but with regret. In such a mood she may well have given ear to the intemperate Digby, who was in the same case with herself. Since his declaration that Parliament was not free, impeachment stared him in the face- To impeach the impeachers of the Queen was the course which recommended itself to that impetuous counsellor.' It . was what Strafford had urged Charles to do, fourteen ants to be months bcfore, and to Strafford's rejected advice impeac e . (^j^^j.|gg came at last. Hesitating and irresolute as he was, he could hesitate no longer. The danger of his wife touched him more nearly than his own. To save her from insult and ruin he had sacrificed his most faithful minister. For her dear sake he was ready now to stake his throne. Five members of the House of Commons — Pym, Hamp- den, Holies, Hazlerigg, and Strode — were selected as the main The charge offenders. There can be no doubt that, if by the fne'mem'?^ fundamental laws of England was meant that consti- ''"^- tutional arrangement which had prevailed in the days of Elizabeth, they were guilty of treason at least as much as Strafford had been guilty. If he had done his best to reduce parliaments to a cipher, they had done their best to reduce the Royal authority to a cipher. The true defence of both Strafford and Pym was that the old constitution had broken down and Queen told Newport ' that articles had been preferred to her wliicli should be put into Parliament against her.' — D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. f<^l- 339- Afterwards the Queen said ' she never saw anj' articles in writing,' which does not necessarily clash with her former statement. — An Exact Colledion, 68. ' Clarendon's assertion about Digby seems tome entirely in accordance with probability, in spite of Mr. Forster's argument, as the latter was not aware of the strength of the evidence on the proposed attack on the Queen. The quotation at p. 137 from Bates's Elenchtis motnuin, to the effect that the King's course was taken ' by the advice of some of the Privy Council who were themselves members of the House,' is hardly sufficient authority. VOL. X. K ISO ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. needed reconstruction ; but this argument, if it had been made at the time, would not have been hkely, so far as Pym was concerned, to find favour with Charles. In conducting these operations, the utmost secrecy was to be maintained. Of the law ol!icers of the Crown, the Attorney- instructions General, Sir Edward Herbert, was alone consulted. Attorney- "^^ rcccived instructions, written in the King's own General. hand, directing him, as soon as the charge was laid before the peers, to ask for a secret committee to examine evi- dence. If Essex, Warwick, Holland, Saye, Mande- ville, Wharton, or Brooke were named as members of it, he was to object, on the ground that the King intended to call them as witnesses. Subsequently, Mandeville's name was scratched out of this list, and orders were given to impeach him together with the five members of the Lower House. ' Digby, it was said, had offered to prove that when the rabble appeared at the doors of Parliament, Mandeville had bidden them to go to Whitehall.^ As a point of tactics, as great a mistake was made by this resolution as had been made in the protest of the bishops. It called on the Lords to sacrifice a member of their own House. The impeachment was fixed for the next day, January 3. As soon as the Lords met, Herbert appeared to charge with treason the six persons designated in his instructions. They The im- had traitorously endeavoured to subvert the funda- peac ment. j^-^gj^^g^^ \Ays% and government — to deprive the King of his legal power, and to place in subjects an arbitrary and tyran- nical power over the lives, liberties, and estates of his Majesty's liege people ! They had ' endeavoured, by many foul aspersions upon bis Majesty and his government, to alienate the affections of his people.' They had ' endeavoured to draw his Majesty's late army to disobedience to his Majesty's commands, and to side with them in their traitorous designs.' They had ' traitor- ously invited and encouraged a foreign power to invade his Majesty's Kingdom of England.' They had 'traitorously en- deavoured to subvert the rights and very being of Parhaments.' They had ' endeavoured, as far as in them lay, by force and ' Notes by the Attorney-General, Nicholas A/SS. * Clarendon, iv. 155. 1642 . THE IMPEACHMENT. 131 terror, to compel the Parliament to join with them in their traitorous designs, and to that end had actually raised and countenanced tumults against the King and Parliament.' Lastly, they had ' traitorously conspired to levy, and actually had levied, war upon the King.' ^ As soon as the charge had been recited, Herbert asked for the arrest of the incriminated persons, and for the appointment of a committee to examine into the accusation against them. Under ordinary circumstances, the House of Lords would have rallied round the throne. On that day four bishops were Feeling of pi'escnt, and fifty-five lay peers, of whom only twenty- the Peers. Qj^g aftcrwards opposed Charles in the Civil War."'^ Yet, the Lords were in no mood to encourage an act of violence, even when it took a legal shape. I^igby, who had undertaken to move for ]\Lindevilie's arrest as soon as the Attorney-General had done his part, whispered to Mandeville that the King was ill-advised, and hurried out of the House.^ He doubtless gathered from the looks of the peers that he would Committee ., , . . . , of inquiry lail to Carry his motion. As soon as he was gone the "'""'^ ■ Lords appointed a committee to inquire whether the Attorney-General's procedure had been according to law. Already, before the news of the impeachment reached them, the Commons were in considerable excitement. The King's The King's answcr to their petition for a guard had just reached demanTfor"' them. "We," Said Charles, "are wholly ignorant of a guard. t;he gTounds of your apprehensions ; but this we do protest before Almighty God, to whom we must be accountable for those whom He hath entrusted to our care and protection, that had we any knowledge or belief of the least design of any violence, either formerly or at this time against you, we would pursue them to condign punishment, with the same severity and detestation that we would do the greatest attempt upon our Crown, .. . . and we do engage unto you solemnly the word of a King, that the security of all and every one of you from violence, is, and shall ever be, as much our care as the preser- vation of us and our children ; and, if this general assurance 1 L_ y, iv. 501. • House of Lords^ Minute Book. ' Clarendon, iv. 1 54. K 2 132 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. shall not suffice to remove your apprehensions, we will com- mand such a guard to wait upon you as we will be responsible for to Him who hath charged us with the safety and protection of our subjects." ' The words were written on the 31st, before the impeach- ment of the members had been determined on. Yet, even now, there was nothing in them which Charles would care to disavow. In his own mind he was meditating a legal process against trai- tors, not a deed of violence. To the Commons his mons appeal proceedings might bear another aspect. After some ity- conversation on the dangers in the midst of which they were walking, a message was sent to the City to ask that the trained bands might be made ready. By this time the news of the impeachment had probably reached the House. Then Pym rose to say that his own study, as well as those of Holies and Hampden, had been jVIembers . . studies sealed up by the Kmg s dn-ections. It was at once "P- resolved that to do this without leave from the House was a breach of privilege. In this the Lords were asked to con- cur, as well as in a resolution that the assemblage of soldiers at Whitehall was a breach of privilege. The Commons also re- quested the Peers to insist on having a guard to be approved of by both Houses. Before anything could be done, the Serjeant-at-Arms appeared with orders from Charles to arrest the five members. The arrest A Committee was named to acquaint the King that of the five ^^ demand concerned their privileges, and that thev members . . ' demanded, would Send a reply as soon as they had given it full consideration. In the meantime, the gentlemen named would be ready to answer any legal accusation. That this might be made plain, the five members were ordered to appear in their places from day to day. Whether the King's attempt to arrest the members was iustifiable or not, it was one more offence given to Offence •' . . given to the the Lords. They had hitherto been in the habit of deciding on the arrest of impeached persons, and they had just appointed a committee to inquire what was the ' Rushvoiili, iv. 471. 1642 ■ THE LORDS IN OPPOSITION. 133 proper course to pursue. Instead of trusting the Lords, Charles had sent to arrest five out of the six accused persons in his own name. The Lords at once took up the challenge. They ordered the studies which had been sealed up to be broken open, and, abandoning the position which they had hitherto maintained, they agreed to join in the request for such a guard as would satisfy the two Houses. A \\eek before a large majority of the Peers was on Charles's side. He could no longer count even on a minority. The Commons, as might have been expected, went further than the Lords. They arrested the officers who had sealed up the doors of their members.' It is easy to understand that Charles saw nothing in all this but a sheer defiance of his authority. He honestly believed The Kincr's that Pyui and his associates were engaged in an feelings. attempt to alter by force the existing order of things, and he no less honestly believed that that existing order was good for England as well as for himself. In appealing to law, he appealed to that which seemed to him to be entirely on his side. As to precedents and legal maxims, he doubtless troubled himself very little about them. In England, precedents and maxims had grown up around the double centre of Parliament and the King, and something at least might be quoted on either side. At all events, Charles could remember having frequently heard that no privilege of Parliament was available against treason, and in 1626 his Attorney-General had accused Bristol before the Lords, without being met by any objection to the course pursued.^ That evening Charles took council with his intimates at Preparations Whitehall. Urged on by Digby and the Queen,^ he for action, rcsolved to go in person to secure the members, if necessary, in Parliament itself. He had on his side the trusty ' L. J. iv. 501. C. J. ii. 366. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. cl.\ii. 300 b. 2 " Ha had a precedent for it, in his own time, of Sir R. Hcatli, his then Attorney's impeaching of myself of High Treason, which impeach- ment was received and admitted of by the House of Peers."— ^« Apology of John Earl of Bristol (E. S97), p. 53. ^ This seems to have been the meeting referred to by Clarendon, iv. 154. 134 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. Cavaliers at Whitehall. The Tower was in Byron's hands, and Byron would keep it safely. Thirty or forty artillerymen were introduced into the fortress, and the men of the Tower Hamlets, who formed the usual garnson, were deprived of their arms.' An answer to the petition of the House was prepared, in which Charles announced his intention of giving them a guard selected by the 'Lord Mayor, and commanded by the Earl of Lindsey ; and he knew that both the Lord Mayor and Lindsey could be trusted.^ This answer was never sent. A message was despatched to the Lord Mayor, bidding him to refuse obedience to orders The Lord from the Commons, and to raise the trained bands keepOTderin ^° keep the peacc in the City, and even to fire on the City. rioters if it were necessary. Gurney was already in bed when the message reached him, but he promised to obey the directions given when morning came.^ Charles might well hope that no mob from the City would appear at Westminster on the morrow\ At the same time. Sir William Killigrew and Sir William Fleming were sent round to the Inns of Court, charged to exhibit the articles against the members, and to ask the lawyers who had come to Whitehall in the last week to defend the King, to keep within doors on the following day, and to be ' ready at a moment's warning.' * If the members were to be arrested at all, common prudence would have dictated an attempt to seize them in their beds, as the French Parliamentary leaders were seized in 185 1. these pre- Such a coursc it was impossible for Charles to adopt. He wanted — if it were but for the satisfaction of his own m-ind — to preserve the appearance of legality, and he ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 303 b. ^ Answer for a guard, Foi-ster\<; Arrest of the Five Members, Ii6, note. ' The King to the Lord Mayor, Jan. 3. Latch to Nicholas, Jan. 4, Forster, 157. 159. The Queen Mother afterwards told Rossetti that her daughter had written to her in these words : " I rumori di qua si sono condotti a segno tale che all' arrivo di questa lettera in Colonia bisogna o che noi siamo rovinati 6 che il Re assolutamente commandi. " — Rossetti to Barberini, vf "" ^^. K. 0. Transcripts. Feb. 2 ^ * D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 305 b. 1642 CHARLES'S SECRET BETRAYED. 135 probably imagined that he could persuade even the House of Commons of the rectitude of his intentions. No doubt he must have sufficient force about him to secure his object, and to compel obedience if it were denied. It was not in his cha- racter to expect a persistent refusal, or to represent clearly to himself the bloodshed which might ensue in case of resistance. Charles little imagined that before he went to bed that night his secret was already known. ' Very possibly Clarendon may The secret havc been right in thinking that Will Murray was the betrayed. bctraycr. The next morning, when the House met, the five members protested their innocency.- The Commons ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 306 b. - Mr. Forster here introduces long speeches of Pym and Hampden, without giving any reference. They are to be found in two contemporary pamphlets. On the title-page of Pym's speech the date given is Wednesday the 5th of January, and the other is said to have been spoken by Mr. Hampden, burgess for Buckingham (!), on Wednesday the 4th. Some one has corrected this date to the 5th. Surely Mr. Forster ought not to have dated the speeches on the 4th without remark ! A further e.xamination of Pym's speech shows that it cannot possibly have been spoken on the 4th. Amongst queries proposed, according to Mr. Forster (p. 164), is 'whether to beset the doors of the House during such accusation ' be not a breach of privilege, which is followed by a reflection that ' the last question had a pregnant meaning on the morning of this eventful day, but its full signifi- c.ince was still to come.' The actual question assigned to Pym in the printed speech is ' whether for a guard armed to come into the Parliament to accuse any of the members thereof be not a breach of the privilege thereof.' Obviously this cannot have been said till after the attempt of the 4th. This is, however, equivalent to saying that it cannot have been said at all. As Mr. Forster was aware, Pym was not in the House on the 5lh, having taken refuge in the City. Neither can he have spoken it at any time in the City, as it is addressed to Mr. Speaker, and the House was then in committee. Besides, there is not the slightest trace of any such speech then occurring. As for the dates assigned, in reality the 4th was on a Wednesday. W^e have further three other printed speeches, one assigned to Hazlerigg, as on Tuesday the 4th, one to Holies, as on Wed- nesday the 5th, one to Strode, as on Tuesday the 3rd, and to crown the absurdity one said to be Lord Kimbolton's (Mantleville"s) addressed to Mr. Speaker. I have no doubt that they are all forgeries. It may be remembered that on Jan. 25 one Martin Eldred confessed that a young Cambridge scholar forged a petition for him, which a stationer printed, purchasmg it for half a crown, on which D'Ewes said 'that there were now 136 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. sent up the articles of accusation to the Lords as a scandalous Jan. 4. paper, accompanying them with a request that in- theCom'^^ quiry might be made into its authorship. Messages mons. were sent to the Inns of Court, to express the assur- ance of the House that their members would not act against Parliament. Soon afterwards news was brought ' that there was a great confluence of armed men about Whitehall,' and it was known that 'measures had been taken to secure the Tower for the King. A fresh message was thereupon sent off to warn the City. Nothing more had been done when the House ad- journed for the dinner hour at noon.^ If the blow had not already fallen, it was because Charles had been involved in his usual vacillation. According to a not improbable account, he had that morning sought out the Queen, and had given strong reasons against the execution of the plan. Henrietta Maria was in no mood to accept excuses. " Go, you coward ! " she cried, "and pull these rogues out by the ears, or never see my face more." Charles bowed to fate and his high- spirited wife, and left her, resolved to hang back no longer. ^ Again there was delay, perhaps on account of the adjournment at midday ; and before Charles actually left Whitehall the Queen had trusted the secret to her ill-chosen confidante Lady Carlisle, and Lady Carlisle at once conveyed the news to Essex. abiding in and about London certain loose, beggarly scholars, who did in alehouses invent speeches, and make speeches of members in the House.' On Feb. 9, D'Ewes again spoke to the effect ' that there had [been] much wrong offered of late to several members of this House by publishing speeches in their names which they never spake. I had yesternight a speech brought to me by a stationer, to whom one John Bennet, a poet lodging in Shoe Lane, sold it for 2s. 6d. to be printed. It was pretended to be spoken at a conference with the Lords on Friday last, when the Bill for taking away the bishops' vote was carried up, at which time there was no conference at all about that matter. . . . He hath fathered this speech upon me.' — D'Ewes's Diary, Hai'I. AISS. clxii. fol. 351b; 376. ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. A/SS. clxii. fol. 304 b. * So far from Anchitell Grey's note in Echard, ii. 520. The betraval by Lady Carlisle is given by Madame de Motteville, and may be accepted in general terms, though the details are manifestly incorrect. On other versions see Forstej-y 139. 1642 . THE MEMBERS WARNED. 137 Before dinner was over the five accused niembers received a message from Essex, telling them that the King was coming Warnings •" pcrson to seize them, and recommending them to five'mem-^ withdraw. They could not make up their minds as b*^""-^- yet to fly. In truth, Charles was still hesitating in his usual fashion, and it might be that he would never accom- ])lish his design. When the House met again at one, satisfac- tory replies were received from the Inns of Court The lawyers said that they had gone to Whitehall, because they were bound to defend the King's person, but that they were also from the Inns ready to defend the Parliament. The Lords, too, ° °""' had shown themselves resolute, and had agreed to join the Commons in styling the Attorney-General's Articles a scandalous paper.' Then came a statement from Fiennes. He had been to Fiennes's ^^'hitehall during the adjournment, and had been story. j.qJ(J j-,y ^.j^g officers that they had been commanded to obey Sir William Fleming, one of the two who had been sent round to enlist the lawyers on the King's side. The full meaning of this news was soon to appear. It may be that the contemptuous term applied to the accusation The King which he had authorised had at last goaded Charles fromTvhite- ^o action. Late — but, as she fondly hoped, not too ^^"- late — the Queen had her way. About three o'clock, Charles, taking with him the Elector Palatine, hurried down- stairs, calling out, " Let my faithful subjects and soldiers follow me." Throwing himself into a coach which happened to be near the door he drove off, foUowed by some three or four hundred armed men.^ Such a number could not march at any great carried \o spccd. A Frenchman, named Langres, who had prob- the House. ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ watch by the Ambassador La Ferte, pushed through the crowd, and ran swiftly to the House of ' D'Ewes's Diary, Ilarl. MSS. clxii. fol. 305 b. Z. J. iv. 503. It is impossible to reconcile the story told by Madame de Motteville about the Queen and Lady Carlisle with anything that can possibly have occurred. = Giustinian's despatch, Jan. -, Ven. Transcripts, R. 0. 138 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. Commons.' He at once called upon Fiennes and told him what he had seen.^ The five members were at once re- quested to withdraw. Pym, Hampden, Hazlerigg, the five and Holies took the course which prudence dictated, mem ers. gtrode, always impetuous, insisted on remaining to face the worst, till Erie seized him by the cloak and dragged him off to the river-side, where boats were always to be found. The five were all conveyed in safety to the City.^ It was high time for them to be gone. Charles's fierce retinue struck terror as it passed. The shopkeepers in the Arrival of mean buildings which had been run up against the the King. north end of Westminster Hall hastily closed their windows. Charles alighted and strode rapidly through the Hall between the ranks of the armed throng. As he mounted the steps which led to the House of Commons, he gave the signal to his followers to await his return there. About eighty of them, however, probably in consequence of previous orders, pressed after him into the lobby, and it was afterwards noticed that ' divers of the late army in the North, and other desperate ruffians ' had been selected for this post. Charles did his best to maintain a show of decency. He sent a message to the House, informing them of his arrival. Scene in the As he entered, with the young Elector Palatine at ^°^^^'- his side, he bade his followers on their lives to re- main outside. But he clearly wished it to be known that he was prepared to use force if it were necessary. The Earl of Roxburgh leaned against the door, keeping it open so that the members might see what they had to expect in case of resist- ance. By Roxburgh's side stood Captain David Hyde, one of the grea'test scoundrels in England.'* The rest were armed with ' D'Ewes says that the Frenchman ' passed through the troop.' Mr. P'orster, misreading the last word as 'roof,' makes him climb over the roofs of the houses, in which case he would hardly have reached his destination in time. 2 La Ferte's despatch, Jan. ^^, Arch, dcs Aff. Etr. xlix. fol. 8. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. M.SS. clxii. fol. 310 b. ^ /l>td. fol. 306 b. ■• See the account of him in Webb's Memorials of the Civil War in Herefordshire, i. 219. 1642 THE KING SEEKS HIS PREY. 139 swords and pistols, and many of them had left their cloaks in the Hall with the evident intention of leaving the sword-arm free. As Charles stepped through the door which none of his predecessors had ever passed,' he was, little as he thought it, .. formally acknowledging that power had passed into enters the new hands. The revolution which his shrewd father °"^^' had descried when he bade his attendants to set stools for the deputies of the Commons as for the ambassadors of a king, was now a reality before him. He had come to the Commons because they would no longer come to him. To Charles the new constitutional fact was merely a temporary interruption of established order. In his eyes there was visible no more than a mortal duel between King Charles and King Pym. As he moved forwards, the members standing bare- headed on either side, his glance, perhaps involuntarily, sought the place on the right hand near the bar which was usually occupied by Pym. That seat was empty. It was the one thing for which he was unprepared. " By your leave, the Speaker's Mr. Speaker," he said, as he reached the upper end of the House, " I must borrow your chair a little." Standing in front of it, he cast his eyes around, seeking for those who were by this time far away. "Gentlemen," he said at last, " I am sorry for this occasion of coming unto you. Yesterday I sent a Serjeant-at-Arms upon The Kind's "^ ^'^^^ important occasion to apprehend some that speech. jjy j^^y command were accused of high treason, whereunto I did expect obedience, and not a message ; and I must declare unto you here that, albeit no king that ever was in England shall be more careful of your privileges to maintain them to the uttermost of his power than I shall be, yet you must know that in cases of treason no person hath a privilege; and therefore I am come to know if any of those persons that were accused are here." Once more he cast his eyes around. " I do not see any of them," he muttered. "I think I should know them." " Fori ' Except Henry VIII., as Slingsby wrote ; but surely this is only an indistinct reminiscence of Wolsey's presentation of himself before the Commons. I40 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. must tell you, gentlemen," he went on to say, in continua- Looksin tion of his interrupted address, "that so long as five"mem-'^^ thosc persons that I have accused — for no slight tei-s. crime, but for treason — are here, I cannot expect that this House can be in the right way that I do heartily wish it. Therefore I am come to tell you that I must have them where- soever I find them." Then, hoping against hope that he had not come in vain, he put the question, " Is Mr. Pym here ? " There was no Asks reply, and a demand for Holies was no less fruitless, they are Charlcs tumed to Lenthall. " Are any of these per- present. gQ^s in the Housc ? " he asked. " Do you see any of them? Where are they?" Lenthall was not a great or heroic man, but he knew what his duty was. He now gave voice, in words of singular force and dexterity, to the common feeling that no individual expression of the intentions or opinions of the House was permissible. " May it please your Speaker's Majcsty," he said, falling on his knee before the answer. , , t i ■ i Kmg, '• 1 have neither eyes to see, nor tongue to speak, in this place but as this House is pleased to direct me, whose servant I am here \ and I humbly beg your Majesty's pardon that I cannot give any other answer than this to what your Majesty is pleased to demand of me." " Well," replied Charles, assuming a cheerfulness which he can hardly have felt, " 1 think my eyes are as good as another's." Once more he looked carefully along the benches. " Well," he " The birds Said, " I scc all the birds are flown. I do expect from are flown." yQ^ j-j^g^j- yQ^ shall scnd them unto me as soon as they return hither. If not, I will seek them myself, for their treason is foul, and such a one as you will thank me to discover. But I assure you, on the word of a king, I never did intend any force, but shall proceed against them in a legal and fair way, for I never meant any other. I see I cannot do what I came for. I think this is no unfit occasion to repeat what I have said formerly, that whatsoever I have done in favour, and to the good of my subjects, I do mean to maintain it." ' ' I have put my account together from the narratives in Rush-worthy 1 642 . THE KING'S RETREAT. 141 So Charles spoke, and so no doubt he thought. He did not intend to assassinate the five whom he accused, any more than Pym had a year before intended to assassinate Strafford. But he meant again to be King of England, as he and his lather before him had understood kingship. It would not be his fault if resistance brought bloodshed with it. He knew now that, for the time at least, he was baffled. As he left the House, with gloom on his brow, he could hear the „., ,,. cries of ' Privilege ! privilege 1 ' raised behind him. 1 he King o i o withdraws. His armed followers were exasperated at the failure- impatience Those minutes of waiting had sadly tried their patience, followers. Strange words had fallen from the lips of some of them. " I warrant you," said one, cocking his pistol, "I am a good marksman, I will hit sure." "A pox take the House of Commons," growled another : " let them be hanged if they will." When the King reappeared there was a general cry for the word which was to let them loose. " How strong is the House of Commons ? " asked one. " Zounds ! " cried another, as soon as the absence of the five was known, " they are gone, and now we are never the better for our coming." The general feeling of these men was doubtless expressed by an officer on the following day. He and his comrades, he said, had come ' because they heard that the House of Commons would not obey the King, and therefore they came to force them to it • and he believed, in the posture that they were set, that if the word had been given, they should certainly have fallen upon the House of Commons.' • Such was the shape which Charles's legal and peaceable action took in the eyes of those whom he had called on to exe- cute his design. The Commons at once adjourned. Adjourn- • , , , , 1,1 • , mentofthe with the seuse that they had but just escaped a massacre. The orderly D'Ewes testified his opinion of the danger by stepping to his lodgings and immediately making his will.^ D'Ewes, and the Verney Notes. Compare Forster, 184, and Slingsby's letter printed by him in a note to p. 194. ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 306 b, 310. - Ibid, clxiii. fol. 121 b. 142 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS, ch. cm. Charles could not afford to acknowledge that he had failed. The next day he set out for the City, hoping to obtain there what he had not obtained at Westminster. He took The King in with him in his coach Hamilton, Essex, Holland, and the Lity. Newport, perhaps with the idea of sheltering himself under their popularity. The rumour spread that he was carry- ing them with him in order to imprison them in the Tower. Multitudes poured into the streets in no gentle humour. At last he reached Guildhall and made his demand to the Common Council. After he had spoken there was a long silence, broken at last by shouts of ' Parliament ! Privileges of Parliament ! ' The meeting was, however, not unanimous. Cries as loud of " God bless the King ! " were heard. Charles asked that those who had anything to say should speak their minds. " It is the vote of this Court," cried one, " that your Majesty hear the advice of your Parliament." " It is not the vote of this Court," cried another, "it is your own vote." " Who is it," asked the King, " that says I do not take the advice of my Parliament ? I do take their advice ; but I must distinguish between the Parliament and some traitors in it. Those I would bring to a legal trial." On this a man sprang on a form and shouted out, "Privileges of Parliament!" Charles repeated what he had said in a slightly altered form. " I have and will observe all privileges of Parliament, but no privileges can protect a traitor from a legal trial." In spite of the division of opinion, it was evident that there would be no surrender of the members. As the King passed out there was a loud shout of " Privileges of Parliament ! " from the crowd outside. He stopped to dine with one of the sheriffs. On his way back to Whitehall the streets rang with the cry of " Privileges of Parliament ! " One bold man threw into his coach a paper on which was tents, o written "To your tents, O Israel ! " The allusion to Rehoboam's deposition was one which Charles could not fail to understand.' ' Rush-worth, iv. 479. La Ferte's despatch, Jan. Arch, des Aff. F.tr. xlix. fol. 8. Slingsby to Pennington, Jan. 6. Wiseman to Penning- ton, Jan. 6, S. P. Doin. 1 642 THE COMMONS h\ THE CTTY. 143 Every hour that passed leaving the five members still at liberty told against Charles. Whilst he was in the City the Parliament Houses met as usual at Westminster. The Coumions minster. Contented themselves with drawing up a declaration A committee in vindication of their broken privileges, after which GuTidhaii. they adjourned to the nth, appointing a committee, in which any member who came might take part, to sit in the interval at Guildhall. As far as the rules of the House would permit, the Commons put themselves under the protection of the City. The order was made in the midst of great excitement. It was rumoured that the scene of the preceding day was to be repeated, and that Charles was coming to arrest a fresh batch of members.' It is possible that the rumour was based on a proposal which appears to have been made by Digby soon after Charles's return Digby's ixom the City. If he might take with him Lunsford proposal. ^^^ ^ party of Cavaliers, he would tear the traitors from their hiding-places.^ Charles was not prepared for open Prociama- violcucc, and preferred to issue a proclamation com- ar°rest°of the mending all his loving subjects to arrest them and to members. lodge them in the Tower, to be safely kept till they could be 'brought to trial according to justice.' Nothing was said of Mandeville, probably in order to avoid further collision with the Lords. Already the City had declared against Charles. The Com- mon Council, so divided in his presence, had, as soon as he The City ^^^ gouc, agreed on a petition in which the case of petition. j}^g f^yg members was openly assumed to be just.^ The next day the Commons' Commitcee met at Guildhall. They at once proceeded to make out a case against the King, Jan. 6. and began by voting that the impeachment itself was The Com- illegal. The debate which preceded this resolution mittee at . " GuiidhaiL has not been preserved, and we cannot tell how the strong precedent of Bristol's case was got rid of, unless it was « D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. A/SS. clxii. fol. 30S b. 2 Clarendon, iv. 155. » Common Council Journal Book , xl. fol. 12. 144 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. argued that it applied merely to a member of the House of Lords. But it was felt that the main outrage lay, not in the . impeachment, but in the attempted arrest. Treason, argument on urged D'Ewes, must have been committed in the thenrivileges ^ . _^ , - of Pariia- House or out oi it. If the former were the case, only '"^"'' the House itself could bear witness of it, and its con- sent was therefore necessary to a trial ; if the latter, the House must be satisfied of the truth of the charge before surrendering its members, ' for else, all privilege of Parliament must of necessity be destroyed, for by the same reason that they accuse one of the said members, they may accuse forty or fifty upon imaginary or false treasons.' D'Ewes's last words had hit upon the actual danger. Anti- quarian as he was, he was more successful in laying down . principles than in supporting them with precedents, quotes pre- He quoted two cases, one of which applied only to words spoken, whilst the other would have made against his own argument if it had been accurately stated.^ A third precedent on which he relied was more to the point. He showed that the Peers, after tr^'ing several Commoners for the murder of Edward H., had declared, with the King's assent, that they would henceforward try no one who was not of their own order. ^ After this, the Committee turned its attention to the legality of the warrant on which the arrest had been made. It was • The last case is Parry's. D'Ewes asserted that Parry, 'being a member of the House of Commons, was first delivered up by them to safe custody, and arraigned and condemned of High Treason.' In his own collection of the Journals of the Parliaments of Elizabeth, we find under Feb. II, 1585 ; " Upon a motion made by Mr. Digges, that Dr. Parry, a late unworthy member of this House, and now prisoner in the Tower, . . . hath so misbehaved himself as deserveth his said imprisonment in the Tower." On this it was resolved ' that he be disabled to be any longer a member of this House.' Parry, in fact, was arrested, and the House was subsequently acquainted with the occurrence and expelled him. On Feb. 12 D'Ewes explained that Parry was expelled ' before any indictment of treason was preferred against him.' — Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 384 b. This, however, is not to the point, as the question related to his arrest. ■^ Rolls of Pari. ii. 54. i642 . A LEGAL DOCTRINE. 145 resolved that the King could not himself issue a warrant. It Question of Hiust be issued by ministers who would be respon- oflhe^'^'"^ sible for all that should be done. Then returning to warrant. \\^q point whjch had been previously discussed, the Committee resolved that no member of the House could be arrested without the consent of the House. Whether this last resolution were justifiable by precedent or not, the former one was only a slight extension of a doctrine as old as that on which Charles relied when he declared that there could be no privi- lege of Parliament in case of treason. "A subject," it had been laid down by Chief Justice Markham, " may arrest for treason. The King cannot, for, if the arrest be illegal, the party has no remedy against the King."' After all, there is something unreal in these arguments on both sides from law and precedent. Law and precedent are serviceable as safeguards against the arrogance of Law and . . ° precedent force. They secure a fair trial to those who are accused of a definite crime acknowledged by general consent to be punishable if it has really been committed. There was no such general consent now. On one hand it was held to be treason to assail the authority of Parliament. On the other side it was held to be treason to assail the The ques- . . tionof authority of the King. It was a question of sove- sovereignty. . i • j i i i • , tt reignty, and no judges, whether they sat in the House of Lords or in Westminster Hall, could be trusted to decide that. Nor was that all. Behind the question of sovereignty rose a twofold conception of life — religious, ecclesiastical, and poli- ^^ J. j^ tical — which divided Charles from the Commons by conception a gulf which it was impossible to bridge over. To each of the parties in the strife the other seemed bent on imposing its ideas upon the whole nation by force or fraud. For this the Parliamentary leaders had welcomed the intervention of the Scots, and the turbulent violence of the City mobs. For this Charles had intrigued with Irish Catho- lics and Scottish Protestants, with the English army and with ' D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. A/SS. clxii. 308 b. VOL. X. L 146 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. the agent of the Pope. Compromise was hardly possible now. Even the House of Lords had been unable to find A compro- mise im- a common ground of pacification. Yet, perhaps possible. . , , , , m some measure because he was the weaker party, the intrigues of Charles had been far more dangerous than those of the leaders of the Commons. The tumults which they had encouraged were visible to the eye, and were calculated to arouse resistance from all peaceable and law-abiding men. A little patience, a little self-restraint, would have sufficed to banish ^ ^ them from the scene and enable Charles to triumph Dangers of . . '^ the Com- over disorder. The Kmg's appeals were made to forces which were invisible, and the danger from which was beyond calculation. The Commons knew that they had not merely to deal with the armed garrison of Whitehall. These men were but the officers of that force of 10,000 volunteers which Charles had engaged to raise for the Irish war. It is hard in these days to keep before our eyes the mass of ignorance and untaught brutality on which the society of the 17th century rested. It is useless to plead that that society was in no danger because the Hydes and Falklands wished for nothing but con- stitutional government. The real danger lay in the military organisation of that lower class which cared nothing for the Hydes and Falkland.s, and which was to be drilled and disci- plined by swashbucklers like Lunsford. And behind this terror lay a worse. Indistinct as was the information possessed by the Commons, there were grave reasons to suspect that the King was ready to make use of the Irish insurgents against the English Parliament, and, as we now know, the suspicion was not wholly without foundation. The name of the Queen was still more freely used than that of her husband. Men spoke openly of the troubles in Ireland as the Queen's rebellion.' The belief was not likely to die out whilst courtiers were heard to say of the Irish that their ' grievances were great, their demands moderate,' and that they might 'stand the King in much stead. '^ ' Salvetti's Ncws-Letter, Tan. ^ - Slingsby to Pennington, Jan. 6, S. P. Dom. 1 642 . A NOCTURNAL PANIC. 147 Men's minds were everywhere predisposed to panic. The guardian of the peace had become the aggressor, and hardly Panic in the anything seemed unHkely or impossible. That night ^"^■- an alarm was raised, probably an echo of Digby's rejected proposal. The Lord Mayor was asked to call out the trained bands. On his refusal the trained bands dispensed with his authority. No less than 40,000 men turned out completely armed to defend their homes, and 100,000 more appeared with halberts, swords, and clubs. As soon as it was ascertained that they had been misled by false news, the Lord Mayor had little difficulty in sending them home to their beds. That night of panic gave evidence that Charles had not merely to face the riotous apprentices who had irritated him at West- minster. The tradesman's love of peace and order, which had manifested itself in his favour on his return from Scotland, had passed over to his opponents, as the House of Lords had passed over to his opponents a few days before. ' The next day's Committee was held at Grocers' Hall. It Evidence of was for some time occupied in hearing evidence on Luack°the'° the conduct of the soldiers who had followed Charles Commons. |-q i\^q House. After this an intimation was given to the five members that they should take their seats on the loth, the day before the resumption of the sittings at Westminster. Could the House again sit at Westminster in safety? Hitherto the King had shown no signs of flinching. On the 7th, a herald, standing in front of Whitehall, pro- stiUreso- claimed all the six impeached persons as traitors. Charles ordered the Lord Mayor to do the same in the City. Gurney could no longer do as he would. He re- plied that the proclamation was against law. An official who was sent on the hopeless task of effecting the arrest returned without his prey, having been ' much abused by the worse sort of people.' ^ On the following day the King gave a fierce reply to a City petition in favour of the ' D'Ewes's Diary, HarL MSS. clxii. fol. 309 b. 2 Giustinian's despatch, Jan. — , Ven. Transcripts, R. 0. Carteret to. Pennington, Jan. 7, S. P. Dotn. L 2 148 ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. members, and an Order in Council bade the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to secure the person who, on the night of the panic, had dared to call out the trained bands without authority.' In the face of this danger the Committee cut the knot of the long-agitated question of the guard. A resolution was passed declaring it to be legal to require the sheriffs The Com- . '■ mittee de- to buHg the forcc of the county for the security of guar/ from Parliament. It was further resolved that, as there the City. ^^g j^Q j^^ jj^ existence on the subject of the militia, the Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, and the Common Council ought ' on this pressing and extraordinary occasion ' to appoint the officers and to raise men.^ The next day was Sunday. It is easy to imagine the sermons that were preached, and the quiet, heartfelt Jan. 9. . . A Sunday joy at the great deliverance, not unmixed with proud m the City, satisfaction at the part played by the City in guarding the Commons of England from harm. On Monday morning Philip Skippon, the Captain of the Artillery Garden, was appointed Sergeant-Major-General, to Jan. 10. take the command of the City trained bands. A f'^''^?°"ed to pious, practical soldier, who had risen from the command, ranks, he was the very man to command a Puritan force. "Come, my boys," he once said when battle was approaching, "my brave boys, let us pray heartily and fight heartily. I will run the same fortunes and hazards with you."^ He was now ordered to raise a guard for offence or defence. The request of the Commons' Committee, on which this authority was conferred, was at last backed by a similar re- quest from a Committee of the Lords.'* All the constituted authorities were now against Charles. The popular seamen and currcnt ran in the same direction. The seamen and manners. niariucrs of the Thames offered to join in the defence of the Houses, and their offer was gladly accepted. ' The King's answer, Rushworih, iv. 481. The Council to the Lord Mayor, Jan. 8, S. P. Dom. 2 Cotnmon Council Journal Book, xi. fol. 14. 3 Whitelocke, 65. * Common Council Journal Book, xi, fol. 15. 1 642 • CHARLES PREPARES TO FLY. 149 As soon as these arrangements had been made, the five members entered the Committee and received a hearty weU The five come. Soon afterwards a deputation from the [heTom'- '" apprentices arrived to ask permission to join in the mittee. morrow's procession. The Committee, mindful of Further the alarm which might be caused by the re-ai)pear- arrange- _ o ■' ' ' ments for ance of thesc frolicsome lads upon the scene, gravely the return to , i i y^- ■ i i r Westmin- requested them to guard the City m the absence of their masters. Then came an announcem.ent from Hampden, that some thousands of his constituents were on their way from Buckinghamshire with a petition. At first the Committee felt some anxiety at the approach of so numerous a body, but it w^as at last resolved to throw no opposition in their way. Finally an offer was accepted from the men of Southwark to guard their own side of the river.' By the time that these arrangements were completed Charles was no longer at Westminster. On the 9th he had Charles bccome aware that it would be impossible to resist t'heQueln's ^^^ retum of the Commons. If there had been safety. nothing else to influence him, the humiliation of remaining a defeated spectator of the triumph of his enemies would have been too great to bear. But he was more anxious for the Queen's safety than for his own dignity. He told Heenvliet, the Agent of the Prince of Orange, that he was sure that the Commons intended to take his wife from him. He at once despatched a messenger to Holland, no doubt to beg for material help from the Prince of Orange.^ At the same time he wrote to Pennington, commanding him to send a ship to Portsmouth to await orders, and to obey no future directions which did not emanate from himself.^ The next morning Charles prepared to set out. Holland and Essex, together with Lady Carlisle, begged some who were in the King's confidence to plead for delay. No one would undertake the hopeless task. Heenvliet » D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxii. fol. 313. ^ Heenvliet to the Prince of Oranjre, Tan. i''^'' Given zan Prinstcrer, ° ' •' 21, 2+ 2mu ser. iii. 500, iv. i. * Pennington to the King, Jan. 11, S. P. Bom. ISO ATTEMPT ON THE FIVE MEMBERS. CH. cm. was finally applied to. " Who would dare to do it ? " was all The King the answer he could give. ' There must have been kave whke- ^" unaccustomed air of firmness in that irresolute ^3"- face. At that moment Charles stood by his wife. He had done nothing to raise her to truer, broader views of the world in which they both lived, because he had no true and broad views of his own. He could not even carry out per- sistently her rash and petulant commands. But he could suffer with her tenderly and lovingly. Long afterwards, when she told how with a word of hers she had, as she believed, betrayed the secret of the design of surprising the five members, the memory of his self-restraint rose to her lips. " Never," she said, "did he treat me for a moment with less kindness than before it happened, though I had ruined him." ^ In loving affection the Royal pair set out on their long exile. Charles was never to see Whitehall again, till he entered it as a prisoner to prepare for death. Henrietta and Queen Maria was after many years to return to the scene of her early happiness, a sad widow amidst a world which knew her not. Charles's troubles had commenced already. Essex and Holland refused to follow him, and told him that his proper place was with his Parliament. They expressed their readiness to surrender their offices. This was, however, refused, and Charles started without them. When Hampton Court was reached no preparations had been made for their reception. That night the King and Queen had to sleep in one room with their three eldest children.^ The next morning London was the scene of joyous com- motion. At one o'clock the members of the House, with the Jan. II. fi'^s heroes of the day amongst them, took boat to The return retum to Westminster. They were surrounded bv ofParlia- . , - . mtnt. a multitude of gaily dressed boats, firing volleys as they passed along. On the north side the City trained bands marched westward with resolute purpose. In the midst of ' Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan. - , Groen van Fi-insterer, II Ji' 2me ser. iii. 500. 2 Madame de Motteville, Memoirs, ch. ix. » Berners to Hobart, Jan. 17, Tanner MSS. Ixiii. fol. 242. 1642 . PVM'S TRIUMPH. 151 them Mandeville was seated in a carriage. They bore aloft on their pikes a printed copy of that Protestation which, at the crisis of Strafford's fate, had ralUed Enghshmen to the cause of the Protestant rehgion and the Uberty of the subject.' That day witnessed Pym's greatest triumph. He was now King Pym indeed. He was no longer the chief of a party, „ , for he had the nation at his back. Both Houses Fym s . triumph. of Parliament, now united, followed his bidding. Patiently and vigilantly he had stood upon the watch tower peering into the darkness to descry the fleeting and shapeless forms of anarchy and conspiracy. He had taught men to seek for the basis of law and order in Parliament rather than in the King. Yet for him, as for other men, the hour of triumph was but the hour of opportunity. Could he seize the moment as it passed, and make permanent that harmony which had so unexpectedly sprung up ? Was this government by Parliament to acknowledge the limitations imposed on it by nature ? Was it to be a means of imposing upon men the despotism of a majority, or was it to bow before the majesty of that true freedom which consists in the liberty of each indivi- dual man, to strive as seems best to himself after that ideal of duty which reveals itself in his soiil ? The Church question was still unsettled, and unhappily there was nothing in Pym to make it probable that he would solve it aright. ' Bere to Pennington, Jan. 13, .5". P. Dom. Giustinian's despatch, Tan. — , Ven. Transcripts, R. O. RushwortJi, iv. 484. Clarendon, iv. 199. 24 152 CHAPTER CIV. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. The King's first act on the morning of his arrival at Hampton Court was a preparation for civil war, or, as he himself would have explained it, for the maintenance of his just Jan. II. authority against rebellion. It is probable that in plans for^the his ordcrs to Pennington on the day before with ofHSu.'°" regard to Portsmouth, he had in view something more than the Queen's embarkation, and that he was already enabled to expect that Goring would place that fortress in his hands whenever he thought it desirable. He now turned his thoughts upon a place still more important than Portsmouth. At Hull were still stored up the munitions which had been provided for the Scottish war, and the fort was also conveniently situated for the reception of those Danish troops of which he had wished to make use against the Scots, and of which he was now thinking of making use against his own sub- Newcastie jccts. He accordingly appointed the Earl of New- 'r? ^^ r castle to be Governor of Hull, and gave instructions K""- to Captain Legg, the officer who in the summer had carried to the army the petition marked by the King's initials,^ to hasten to the North to secure the submission of the citizens to their new governor. Special instructions were given to Nicholas to keep these orders a profound secret, and to for- bear entering them in the signet office, according to the usual official course.^ There can be no reasonable doubt that if the ' Vol. IX. p. 398. 2 The King to Nicholas, Jan. il. Legg to Nicholas, Jan. 14, S. P. Dovi. 1642 . A RACE TO HULL. 153 news of Legg's success had reached Charles, Digby would have started for Holland ' and Denmark to secure assistance, and especially to hire Danish soldiers to land at Hull.^ Charles, however, could not count on secrecy amongst his most intimate followers. The King's plans were no doubt betrayed to Pym even before they were put in execution. Orders were there- Hotham ^^^^ given by Parliament to Sir John Hotham to ordered by sccurc Hull by meaus of the Yorkshire trained the Houses ■' to occupy bands, and not to deliver it up till he was ordered to Hull. ' do so by ' the King's authority, signified unto him by the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament.' In a few minutes Hotham's son, who was himself a member of Parliament, was speeding down the North road, even before Legg had started on his errand.^ In the face of such danger there was no lack of unanimity ' We learn from La Ferte's despatch of Jan. — that Heenvliet was negotiating for Charles's mediation to bring about a truce between Spain and the States, and that there was to be money paid by the Prince of Orange. La f erte warned the Parliamentary leaders of this, so that they knew that Charles was seeking aid abroad. ^ Digby's proceedings will be related in their proper place. As, how- ever, he did not go to Denmark, and all that has been hitherto known on the subject has been drawn from the suspicions of the Parliamentarians, it is as well to quote here the following extract : " Le Roy ne voyan espe- rance d'autre secours, despechoit le mylord Digbie au Roy de Dennemarque, pour en avoir de luy, et en intention d'assurer la descente des Danos le Roy donnoit ordre au Comte de Newcastel de s'en aller a Hul, port de mer vers Dennemarque : "— Forster to Chavigny, Feb. - Arch, des Aff- Etr. xlix. fol. 27. Forster was a Catholic, and gave reports to the French Government of news from England. If, as I believe, that news reached him from persons about the Queen's Court, his intelligence would be de- cisive on such a point. * That Hotham started first may be gathered from Giustinian's state- ment that the command was given to Newcastle on account of the King's knowledge of the order to Hotham, and from the fact known from a letter from the Mayor of Hull (Z. J. iv. 526) that Hotham arrived before Legg ; but, as Forster's evidence points to a substantive plan for the occupa- tion of Hull by the King, I think it may be gathered that Hotham was sent off on account of intelligence received at Westminster of the King's intention. 154 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. civ. between the two Houses. Both. Lords and Commons con- curred in accepting a guard of the City trained of the bands under Skippon's command, rather than a guard of the same trained bands selected by the Lord Mayor, and placed under the orders of the Earl of Lind- sey, as the King now proposed. Both Lords and Commons concurred in passing rapidly through all its stages a Bill en- abling Parliament to adjourn itself to any place it would ; in other words, enabling it to sit at Guildhall instead of sitting at Westminster. On one point alone did the Lords show any scruples. They objected to join in addressing to the King a demand that Conyers might supersede Byron as Lieutenant of the Tower. They were ready to join in all necessary measures of defence, but they were not inclined to wrest from the King that executive authority which the Commons thought could no longer safely be left in his hands. Already evidence had been given that Pym could count on support elsewhere than in the City. Four or five thousand gentlemen and freeholders of Buckinghamshire had The Buck- ° , , . , . . , TT 1 • , inghamshire ridden up With petitions to the Houses which w-ere petition. j_^^^ ^^ ^c\io of the Grand Remonstrance. Hamp- den's constituents declared that they were ready to live and die in defence of the privileges of Parliament.^ Each hour as it passed brought news of thickening dangers. On the morning of the 12th it was known that Lunsford Jan. 12. and his Cavaliers had been gathering at Kingston, Digby and ^-^^ ^-^^iX. Digby had come over from Hampton Court Kingston. to concert measures with them. As the magazine of the county of Surrey was at Kingston, the obvious interpreta- tion of the proceeding was that the Cavaliers intended to seize the store of arms, and to^ gather a force which would enable the King to betake himself to Portsmouth. The Commons proposed to parry the danger by ordering the sheriffs of the neighbouring counties to call out the trained bands for the suppression of such assemblies, as contrary to law. At the same time, the Peers summoned Byron before them to give ' C. J. n. 369. Z. J. iv. 504. 1642 • CHARLES'S PERSISTENCY. 155 account of the recent attempt to strengthen the garrison of Byron sum- the Towcr. Byron, however, refused to leave the before the foftress without an order from the King. Various Lords. rumours of plots to murder the popular lords were also afloat, and received more attention than would have been accorded them in quieter times.' The tidings of the ne.xt day did much to carry conviction to all that a struggle was imminent. Charles had removed to - Windsor. He had taken time to consider the Bill Jan. 13. The King at allowing Parliament to adjourn itself, and had an- nounced that, as the legality of his impeachment of the accused members had been disputed, he would now aban- don it, and 'all doubts by this means being settled,' he would proceed against them 'in an unquestionable way.' The an- Hewiu nouncement that the prosecution was not to be membe^rl abandoned caused the greatest irritation. Fresh tried in ncws Came in of Lunsford's armed men and their another way. supposed dcsign upon Portsmouth. What had hap- pened at Hull no one could yet tell. Already that morning the Lords had pointed to the necessity of doing more than call out the trained bands of the counties round Kingston and Wind- sor. They thought that the order should ' be made general for all England.' The first proposal of a new Militia Bill had thus The counties come from the Peers. ^ The Commons were not to defend '^'^ slow to take the hint. They drew up a declaration, themselves, ^o be scnt to all the counties, inviting them ' to put themselves in a position of defence ' — in other words, to call out the trained bands for their own security. The declaration in which this invitation was contained threw the blame of all that had occurred on ' the Papists.' There was, it was firmly believed, a vast Catholic conspiracy, • C. y. ii. 372. Z. 7. iv. 507. 2 Z. y. ii. 510. C. y. ii. 375. Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, June -, Grocn van Prinsterer, ser. 2, iv. i. This Militia Bill must not be confounded with the one which had been brought in before Christmas to appoint a general with arbitrary powers, and which was probably only intended to frighten the Lords into passing the Impressment Bill. 156 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. civ. threatening dangers of which the outbreak in Ireland was but the premonitory symptom, and of which the attack on the Thedeciara- members was the commencement in England. Not Commo'ill^ only had Parliament been defied and its privileges for the de- broken, but agreements had been made with foreign fence of the . . country. princes for the mtroduction of foreign troops mto the country, and arms had been collected with a view to a rising at home. Therefore it was necessary that the country' should stand on its guard. Magistrates must see that the county magazines were well furnished. Strong watches were to be placed to prevent surprise, and no soldiers were to be levied, or arms and ammunition collected, ' nor any castles, forts, or magazines dehvered up without his Majesty's authority, signified by both Houses of Parliament.' In the policy of this declaration the Lords concurred en- tirely. With the consent of the Lower House they issued a general order to the sheriffs, enjoining upon them The^L.ords the duty of suppressing unlawful assemblies and se- ^oiic"'of the curing the magazines, though they prudently objected declaration, (-q irritate thc King needlessly by the narrative of his but object to , . ^ n , ■ i i its form. past misconduct' Afterwards, upon hearing that the The Prince King had taken the Prince out of the hands of his the king-'''' governor, the Marquis of Hertford, they directed '^'^'"' Hertford to resume his charge, and requested the King not to permit the Prince to be taken out of the kingdom. ^ It w^as impossible to disconnect the removal of the Prince with the evident desire of the Court to secure Portsmouth. A gentleman from Windsor informed the Commons ain^sat"^ that z. waggon laden with ammunition had gone Portsmouth. ^^^^,^ ^^ Windsor, and that another waggon similarly laden had started from Windsor to Farnham. In Windsor there were about 400 horse and 40 officers. A messenger had been despatched to Portsmouth. ^ It was doubtless SweU wkh known in London that the King had carried with him the King. ^j^^gg magnificent crown jewels on which Bucking- ham had once attempted to raise money in Holland, and that ' C. J. ii. 377. = L. J. iv. 512-514. ^ C. J. ii. 379. i642 . A POSTURE OF DEFENCE. 157 if a seaport could be secured he would not be without the means of tempting foreign mercenaries to his help.' Up to that morning hopes of an accommodation may pos- sibly still have been entertained. Pym, at least, can hardly now Pyn^.j have expected it any more. He declared that the proposal. King must be plainly told that these armed gatherings were against the law. In the Commons it was freely said that it would be necessary to inquire who had advised him to im- peach the members. A committee was appointed to place the kingdom in a posture of defence more thoroughly than by the action of the individual sheriffs. The command of the militia was ultimately in the Lords-Iaeutenants, and the Th^Com- Lords-Lieutenants had been appointed by the King, mens re- Q^ j-]^g ^r'^ ^hc Committec recommended that the commend -^ that the members for each county, and for the boroughs con- Lords- . , . . , ■' ° Lieutenants tamcd m it, should nominate a person to be appointed appointed by as its Lord-Licutcnant in the room of the King's ar lament. j^Qj^jj^gg^ Qj^ j-}^g same day the peers were again asked to join in requesting that Conyers might be substituted for Byron at the Tower.^ The Lords were not ready to wrest the whole executive authority from Charles's hands. Before long it was known that the King had asked Heenvliet to attempt to bring Mediation of about an accommodation. On the 17th Heenvliet was at Windsor, and on the following morning he had an interview with Charles. Charles showed no appreciation of his Jan. 18. real position. He chatted about Holland's ingrati- His inter- tudc, and Said that the Bishops' Exclusion Bill had view with ' _ Charles; bccn introduced in order to diminish the Royal power, Heenvliet, apparently weary of this babble, asked what ' The connection between the Prince's removal and the intention of going to Portsmouth is clearly put in the following: " Hora stimano alcuni che in que-sto tempo il Re possa esser vicino a Posmur, havendo condotto seco la Regina, il Principe e la Principessa, et anco portato le gioie." — Rossetti to Barberini, |^^) R- O. Transcripts. 2 C. J. ii. 379, 380, Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Jan. '^. Groen van Frinsterer, ser. 2, iv. I. 158 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. civ. message he was to carry to the gentlemen at Westminster. Tell them, said the King, that you find me hard to satisfy, and then they will be anxious to secure your help. At any rate Heen- vliet was to keep the negotiation on foot till he heard from the Prince of Orange, who, as Charles hardly doubted, would be ready to intervene on his behalf Heenvliet was then taken to the Queen. Henrietta Maria at once broke out into complaints against the Commons for and with their accusations against her, and protested that she the Queen. ^^^^ nevcr givcu evil counsels to the King, and that she detested the Irish rebellion. The King, she said, would be well content if he could enjoy his revenue as he had had it before these troubles, and if his Parliament met every three years instead of remaining in perpetual session. At present, he was worse off than a Venetian Doge. He would remain at Windsor for two days. If he had not then received satisfaction, he would go to Portsmouth. She and the Princess would remain there in safe custody, whilst the King and the Prince betook themselves to Yorkshire. Heenvliet here suggested that there might be danger in such a course. No, she said, the King's name is reverenced everywhere except in London. In Scotland and Yorkshire it is especially respected. Newcastle had already occupied Hull in his name. There was a larger quantity of munitions there than in the Tower itself As to the Tower, Byron had been ordered to blow it up rather than surrender it. The King would publish a manifesto avowing his desire for peace, and forbidding the trained bands to obey any one but himself Parliament had no right to meddle with them. If they refused obedience, all their property would be forfeited by law. The Prince of Orange must not allow the King to perish. " If we go to Portsmouth," she ended by saying, "I hope you will soon come there with good news." ' Before long both Charles and his wife discovered that they had been deceiving themselves with false hopes. The Cavaliers at Kingston were dispersed by the county trained bands. Not a soul in the North or in Wales was disposed to stir in ' Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Grocn van Frinsterer, ser. 2, iv. 2. 1642 • A CONCILIATORY OFFER. 159 Charles's favour. Newcastle and Legg had failed utterly in their Charles's attempt On Hull. The Mayor had refused to admit iiopes prove any trooDS into the town, whether under Newcastle or vain. *• Hotham. The King had now but 200 men with him. It was therefore necessary to abate something of his high pre- jan. 20. tensions.' On the 20th, abandoning his design on He sends a Portsmouth, he despatched to Westminster a more conciliatory _ ' i message. Conciliatory message than any which he had penned since his return from Scotland. In this he asked the Houses to place upon paper all that they judged necessary on the one hand for the maintenance of his authority and the settlement of his revenue, and on the other hand for the establishment of their own privileges, the security of ' the true religion now pro- fessed in the Church of England, and the settling of the cere- monies in such a manner as may take away all just offence.' When all this had been digested ' into one entire body,' he would show how well disposed towards Parliament he was. A month before, such a message would doubtless have been received with rapturous applause. Even now there were some who had hitherto opposed the King who were in- Its reception. i-j •• ^,'",. ._ clmed to see m it an augury of better thmgs. No doubt it pointed to such a settlement of the Church as would have been in accordance rather with the views of Bristol than with the views of Pym. No doubt, too, the urgent question was not how the Church could be settled, but whether Charles could be trusted. Yet it was inevitable that those who wished to see the Church settled in Charles's way should be inclined to trust him, and that those who wished to see it settled in another way should be inclined to distrust him. There were certainly grounds enough for distrust. The message offered no security against an appeal to force, if force were at hand. Both Houses therefore agreed in The Com- Sending for Newcastle to give an account of his con- mand the duct at Hull. The Lords, however, wished to return a IndThT^ simple reply of thanks to the King's message ; whilst mihtia. the Commons, who had the day before ordered the circulation of the Protestation throughout the kingdom for ' Giustinian to the Doge, Jan. -, Vcn. Transcripts, R. 0. i6o THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. civ. signature, as a token of the public disapprobation of the attempt on the members,' now asked that the fortresses and the militia Jan. 24. might be placed in the hands of persons in whom The Lords Parliament could confide. On the 24th the Lords refuse to ^ join them, refuscd to join in this request; though the number of protests, which usually stood at 22 or 23, was on this occasion swollen to 32. The next day Pym laid before the Lords petitions from London, Middlesex, Hertfordshire, and Essex, in support of , his poUcy. The voice of the petitioners, he said, was appeal to the voice of England. He adjured the Peers to the Lords. i i • . -i remove the obstructions to a peaceable settlement which still existed. The Commons would be glad of their help, and would be sorry ' that the story of this present Parliament should tell posterity that in so great a danger and extremity the House of Commons should be enforced to save the kingdom alone, and that the House of Peers should have no part in the honour of the preservation of it.' When Pym's proposal was discussed in the House of Lords, Lennox rose to a motion for adjournment. " Let us put the Jan. 26. question," he said hastily, "whether we shall adjourn Lennox f-Qj. gjj^ months." The Peers felt that Digby's motion moves for an o ./ adjournment that Parliament was no longer free had come back to for SIX . " months. them ni another form. To leave the House of Com- mons alone in session would be a direct admission that no con- stitutional remedies were any longer possible. Lennox was therefore compelled to acknowledge that he had given offence. Twenty-two lords of the Opposition protested against the mild- ness of the penalty. The Commons took the matter up warmly, and asked the Lords to join in petitioning the King to remove Lennox from his office at Court. The Lords refused to censure Lennox more heavily than they had already done.^ Irritation on both sides was the natural result of the abnormal situation. There was absolutely no Government in England. The King was projecting the restoration of his ' C. 7. ii. 353- « Z. 7. iv. 543. French News-Letter, Feb. ^ , ^r^^- ^" Aff. £tr. xlix. fol. 24. 1643 • THE MILITIA ORDINANCE. 161 authority by reliance on anything except the loyalty of the _.^ , , Encrlish nation. A Government acting in accordance Difficulty of ^ '^ the situa- -with Parliament would soon have dispersed the panic fears which exaggerated even the great danger which in realit}' existed ; and the demand that the military forces of the realm should be commanded by persons in whom Parliament could confide, was the first step to the establishment of such a Government. It is useless to say that the Commons could afford to wait. The nation, at least, could not afford to wait. Men could not trade with security when they might expect at any moment to hear that foreign soldiers had landed, or that Irish rebels had been imported to wage war in England ; whilst the whole military organisation of the countr}' was thrown out of gear, because the King wished it to be employed for other objects than for the public safety. Though reason was on the side of the Commons, it was not unnatural that the Lords should take the opposite view. Tradi- tion and precedent were on the King's side. Many Keason;: for ^ o y the Lords' of the Pcers feared the sweep of a democratic tide. resistance. -n • , t tt The Commons, still m name the Lower House, were speaking as if they were the undoubted masters of the Lords, and were already treating their House as a mere ap- pendage to a greater and more powerful assembly. In the wake of distasteful social and political changes loomed religious changes equally distasteful. Yet the Lords hardly knew what to do. They distrusted the Commons, but as yet they dis- trusted Charles as well. On the refusal of the Lords to join in asking for the for- tresses and the militia, the Commons had independently pre- jan. 25. sented their request to the King. Charles had The Com- returned an evasive answer, and on the ^ist the mons peti- ' >J tion. House voted the evasion to be equivalent to a denial,' „.}^^\}^: and also drew up an ordinance conferring power in Ihe militia ' ^ ' ordinance, each county upon persons to be afterwards named to train the inhabitants for war, to name deputy-lieutenants ' C. J. ii. 395, 405. VOL. X. M i62 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. civ. ■with the approbation of Parhament, and to appoint officers, as well as to suppress ' all rebellions, insurrections, and in- vasions,' according to directions from the King signified by Parliament. . Something indeed had been already done to carry into „ , action the terms of the ordinance. The younger Hotham -' ° occupies Hotham had made himself master of Hull in the name of the Parliament. Skippon and the City The Tower trained bands were blockading the Tower, and blockaded. gyj.Qj^ acknowledged that it was not capable of offering a long resistance. A position so strained could not last long. In the City the burden fell heavily on the poor. On the 31st a petition Jan. 31. was presented to the Commons by the artificers of The Anifi- London and Westminster. It was immediately sent tion. up to the Lords. The poor men, said Holies, who carried it up, had declared that they wanted bread. "The House of Commons said that they are not in fault, but have done what they could to take away the causes of these dis- tempers ; therefore they protest, for their own safeties, lest they should be involved, that they are not guilty of these mischiefs." ' When the Houses met the next morning an unusual sight presented itself to their eyes. Palace Yard was thronged by a Feb. I. crowd of women. "W^e had rather bring our chil- The women d^en," they said, " and leave them at the Lords' door, in Palace i j ^ Yard. than have them starve at home. The crowds of petitioners who had been appearing during the last few days at Westminster were not without effect on the House of Lords. Position of 1 he most persistent Royalists saw in them an organ- the Lords, jgg^j renewal of those scenes which had preceded the death of Strafford. ^ Others may have been convinced of the gravity of the situation, and may have been disappointed at the King's letter, as containing no serious guarantees.^ On Feb- ' Z. J. iv. 559. ^ Giustinian's despatch, Feb. -, Ven. Transcripts, R. 0. Salvetti's News- Letter, Feb. -. 14 ' For the view that Charles, in his anxiety to save the Queen from the i642 . THE LORDS GIVE WAY. 163 ruary i the Lords voted that they would join the Commons in asking the King either to set forth distinctly his charges against the accused members, or to abandon the prosecution. Later in the day they passed a far more serious vote. They agreed to join in a petition to the King, asking him to entrust They join \ ^ ".' ^ . the Com- the fortresses and the mihtia to persons m whom mons about t^ t , i i ^ i i the accused rarliamcnt could confide. ' ^^iTabout The Lords no doubt felt their isolation. Instead the mihtia. q^ placing himsclf at their head, the King had done nothing to show repentance for his past faults. All round them was a population surging with impatience. On the The women's 4th camc a loug petition from the women about petition. Popery and idolatry, and another long petition from Thfe'sh ' S'^'"^^)'' crying out for a speedy settlement. The Exclusion next day the Lords passed the Bishops' Exclusion the Lords. Bill, which they had steadfastly resisted in the autumn.^ Once more Charles found that his hope of support from the Lords had failed him. Nor was this the whole extent of his disappointment. Hardly had he received the message which told him that both Houses were of one Feb. 4. _ The Prince mind on the militia, when Heenvliet brought tidings will not^heip that the Prince of Orange refused to mediate in his Charles. favour, and counselled him above all things to keep clear of war. " It is hard," said Charles, " but I will think of it, danger which he apprehended, may have passed the word to his partisans to withdraw for a time from active opposition, see a pamphlet by Dr. A. Buff, Die Politik Karls des Erstcn, in which Clarendon's misrepresenta- tions are admirably dissected. I rather suspect, however, that, as at the time of Strafford's trial, there was a middle party which had been voting with the Royalists. Its defection now would make resistance to the Com- mons hopeless. ' L. y. iv. 556, 558. Dover, in his notes [Clarendoti A/SS. 1,603) says that 'that very night, many of our Lords being absent, it was carried for to join.' This may be true, but, as another vote on the same subject was taken the next day, it is evidently not the whole truth. ^ L. J. iv. 564. Heenvliet says the third reading was carried by 36 to 23, which shows the untruth of Clarendon's statement that it passed by the abstention of its opponents. M 2 i64 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. civ. and see you again in the evening." The Queen added, that .she was resolved to leave the kingdom, and that she would go to Holland, to deliver over her daughter to her youthful bride- groom. " Either the King," she added, " will agree with his Parliament or not. If he does, I will soon return. If not, I had rather be in Holland than here." The agreement, she ex- plained, must be honourable to the King. In Scotland and Yorkshire the whole population was on his side. He would try his best to come to an understanding with his Parliament. If things turned out badly he would go into the North, and she would therefore only be in his way in England. Reflection brought more strongly before Charles the neces- sity of at least the appearance of concession. On the 6th he Feb 6. replied to the message on the militia. He wished to The King's know w'liat authority was to be given to the new answer on . , . , , . . , the militia, commanders, and for how long a tmie it was to be exercised. When he was satisfied on these points, he was ready to entrust the forts and the militia to the persons named by Parliament, reserving to himself the right of excepting to unfit persons so named. As to the accused members he would drop all proceedings against them. At last, if only Charles were in earnest, a reasonable basis Feb. 7. of settlement was found. The next day he had a long conversation with Heenvliet. "How am I to take away the bishops," he said, "having sworn at my coronation to maintain them in their privileges and pre-eminences ? At the beginning I was told The King s ' . * vexation at _ that all would go wcU if I would allow the execution F.xciusiqn^^ of the Lord-Lieuteuant of Ireland ; then it was, if I ^'"' would grant a triennial Parliament ; then it was, if I would allow the present Parliament to remain sitting as long as it wished ; now^ it is, if I will place the ports, the Tower, and the militia in their hands ; and scarcely has that request been presented, when they ask me to remove the bishops. You see how far their intentions go. Nevertheless, to content them and my people, I have answered that I will name persons whom they approve of to command, but that they must tell me for how long a time this arrangement is to last, so that I 1642 THE BISHOPS' EXCLUSION BILL. 165 I may not strip myself entirely." Later in the day Charles explained his plans more clearly. As soon as the Queen was gone, he said, he should go into Yorkshire, not with the inten- tion of taking arms, but in order to see what the Houses would do. He did not doubt that they would be more supple then. He hoped that if they attacked him, the Prince of Orange and the States would not suffer him to perish.' What could be expected froQi a man so unhappily consti- tuted? He could neither frankly yield nor firmly refuse. Even if it were strictly true that he had given way to content his people, he believed himself to have been grievously wronged, and he hoped that when he spoke from the midst of the sym- pathising Yorkshiremen he would be able to compel Parliament to grant him better terms. On one point, indeed, Charles of necessity yielded. On the nth he announced that he would transfer to Conyers the Feb. II. Lieutenancy of the Tower now that Byron was no diTrgt'^of" longer able to defend it.^ In the meantime the the Tower. Commous had drawn up a list of persons whom Lords-Lieu- '^^^y Tccommended as Lords- Lieutenants. On the nlmrd^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^'^^ accepted by the Lords, to be pre- Parhament. seuted to the King. The Houses agreed that the authority of the new officials should continue till Parliament determined otherwise. On the 13th the King and Queen were at Canterbury on their way to Dover, the port chosen for the Queen's embarka- Feb. 13. tion. The question whether the Royal assent should iccep^s"the be given to the Bishops' Exclusion Bill had been the Exci'iSfon subject of much contestation. Culpepper had argued i^'i"- in vain that it would be prudent to allow it to be- come law. The Queen was more successful.^ To her it was a matter of indifference whether a few heretics, calling them- selves Bishops, sat in the House of Lords or not. The one thing of importance was, that her husband should retain his hold on the sword. As soon as she had sailed, his movements ' L. y. iv. 566. Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, Feb. - — r, Groen , 14, 10 van Priiistercr, 2me ser. , iv. 16, 17. - Z. J. iv. 577. 3 Clarcn.ioii's Life, ii. iS. 1 66 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. civ. would be free. When he was once in Yorkshire he would easily find his way into Hull, and at Hull he would be in a position to receive supplies from the Continent. Charles yielded to his stronger partner. Never, he fondly promised her, would he surrender his command of the militia. ' In this temper he addressed himself to the demands of Parliament. It is needless to inquire whether, in some abstract constitutional system formed without reference to in the House any particular circumstances of time and place, the presence of bishops in Parliament is desirable or not. They had gained their place there when they had been the depositaries of the moral and intellectual force of the nation. , In 1642 they were no more than an excrescence on political I and religious life. They had made themselves the servants of the King, and apart from him they had no inherent strength by which they could stand. Few spoke in their defence, and most of those who did defended them not for their own sake, but for the sake of institutions which would fall more easily when they were gone from the political world. At his wife's bidding Charles consented to the Bill, which, by re- ducing them to their spiritual functions, gave them a fresh chance of regaining the goodwill and admiration of their fellow-countrymen. At the same time he passed the Bill for pressing soldiers for Ireland, with the clause forbid- The Bill for ... . , ^ , . pressing dmg hmi to compel men to go out of their counties P^^^^ ■ without permission from the Houses. He also offered to put in execution the laws against the recusants, The Kings ^'^^ bound himsclf to grant no pardons in future to message., ^^^ Catholics without couseut of Parliament, on con- dition that the seven priests who had been condemned in December might have their sentence commuted to banishment. He would also refer to Parliament all questions relating to the Church and the Liturgy, though he required that its recom- mendations should be submitted to him as a whole after the subject had been thoroughly discussed. He would leave nothing undone for the relief of Ireland, and, if Parliament saw ' See Letters of Henrietta I^Iaria, published by Mrs. Everett Green. 1642 . FRESH INTRIGUES. 167 fit, he would venture his person in the war. Finally he wished the Houses to examine into the causes of the decay of trade.' No wonder that, coupled with the former offer about the militia, this message drew forth warm expressions of thanks Feb 14. ^^^"^ ^^'^'^ Houses. If only Charles could be trusted, Thanks everything might yet go well. Unluckily, that very Houses. afternoon, after the impeachment of the Attorney- impeach- General for his conduct in relation to the accused Auorney- members had been laid before the Lords, Pym brought up a packet of letters written by Digby from Middelburg, whither he had fled. One of them was addressed to the Queen, and in such a crisis it was resolved to break the seal. The contents were ominous of danger. '■ The humblest and most faithful servant you have in the world," wrote Digby, "is here at Middelburs, where intercepted I shall remain in the privatest way I can, till I re- ceive instruction how to serve the King and your IMajesty in these parts, if the King betake himself to a safe place where he may avow and protect his servants from rage and violence ; but if, after all he hath done of late, he shall betake himself to the easiest and compliantest ways of accom- modation, I am confident that then I shall serve him more by my absence than by all my industr)'." ^ Digby's letter received an appropriate comment by the read- ing of the warrant by which the King had empowered Newcastle to take military possession of HuU.^ How was it Ihe King's ... 111 • n i • warrant to possible to doubt that Strong mrluence was bemg brought to bear upon the King to induce him to set Parliament at deOance ? Even the most sanguine must have suspected that till the militia was actually in safe hands there Feb I- could be no security for the State. On the 15th The militia the arrangements previously made for the command or inance. ^^ ^^^ militia Were embodied in an ordinance, and Digby "" t^^t ordinance was sent in the name of both Houses impeached, jq ^j^g King. On the 22nd Digby was impeached of high treason.'* ' L. J. iv. 580. - L. y. iv. 582. Riishworth, iv. 554. 3 L. J. iv. 585. < Z. J. iv. 587, 602. 1 68 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. civ. To the messengers who brought him the mihtia ordinance Charles refused to give an immediate answer. He had plainly made up his mind to say nothing till the Queen was in safety. On the 2^rd she was under sail, carrying with her Feb. 23. J Conway to Ormond, July 18, Carte Jl/SS. iii. fol. 325. 2 Z. 7. iv. 645. 1642 • THE KING DISTRUSTED. 177 to use force against them. A letter directed to Pym was picked up in Palace Yard. The writer stated ' that he had Report of '■ the King's heard the King say that he had the nobility, the intentions. it i i • • i ^ gentry, and divers honest men on his side ; that the Parliament had irritated the military men and denied them employment in Ireland, and so prepared swords for their own throats ; that he did not doubt, if Hull proved right, but that an army of 16,000 men, commanded by the said military men or officers, would keep him in safety.' Some one attached to Charles's person had been heard to say, " What if you see Hull yield to the King, and young Hotham be hanged up ? " ' Four March 19. days later came news of a statement made at Rotter- fbre'i^n'^ '^'°'" ^^"^ ^^ ^ mariner named Henley, that he had been forces. asked by a servant of Lord Digby to take charge of a ship at Elsinore, which was one of a fleet intended to bring thirty or forty thousand Danish soldiers to Hull. An anony- mous letter from Newmarket, directed to Pym, added that French troops were to be sent to Ireland, that the English navy was expected to take part against Parliament, and that all the resolutions of the Commons were betrayed to the King by some of the members of the House. ^ No wonder that the Houses directed that no troops should be admitted into Hull without authority from Parliament.^ Whether these rumours were exaggerated or not, there can be no doubt that they were not mere inventions. The Queen The Queen's ^^"^^ not lookiug Only to the money which she hoped designs. (.q j-^^jgg ^y pledging her own and the Crown jewels. She did hope to obtain aid from the King of Denmark. She did think it possible to bring about by her mediation a truce between Spain and the Dutch Republic — a truce which would enable Frederick Henry, gained over by the splendid offer of a marriage between his daughter and the Prince of Wales, to intervene effectually on her husband's behalf Behind this were visions still more vague of help from France or Spain, from the Emperor or even from Bavaria.^ ' D'Ewes's Diary, Har/. MSS. clxiii. fol. 33. - L. J. iv. 655. ^ Ibid. iv. 656, 659, 662. * The evidence for this is scattered over Rossetti's letters. See, too, the VOL. X. N 178 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. civ. For some time the impatient Queen had been urging her husband to gain possession of the seaport on which her hopes ' ^, , were fixed. "When you come to Hull," she wrote, March 7. / ; > The Queen "if you find the country well affected, Hull must .^"^^ure o*f absolutely be had. If you cannot, you must go to Hull. Newcasde, and if you find that is not safe, go to Berwick, for it is necessary to have a seaport." * Charles did not find it easy to seize Hull, especially after the disclosure of the scheme for introducing Danish troops into England. On ,, ^ the iQth he rode into York,'^ and did his best to March 19. -' ... Charles at curry favour with his subjects by ordering the execu- ""^ ■ tion of the laws against the Catholics. The feelins: in Yorkshire was not as hostile to him as that in London. In York itself, the common people, dissatisfied with the suppres- sion of the Council of the North, placed themselves on his side. A proposal to petition the King to return to his Parliament found but little support, and those who advocated it were com- pared to the Gadarenes who besought Christ to depart from their coasts. But there was little enthusiasm for the King, and no inclination to plunge into civil war. The address sent up to him suggested, under respectful forms, that it ''" ^' would be well for him to come to an understand- ing with Parliament. Charles in his answer expressed him- quotation from Barberini at p. 55, note 2. At a later time, after Charles had abandoned these projects, Rossetti writes that having made particular inquiry, he had discovered ' che il pensiero del Re d'Inghilterra e di resti- tuirsi in autorita et abassare anzi distruggere, se potra, il partito Parla- mentario, ma per cio effettuare non vede luogo di poter prevalersi di mezzi forestieri.' This was on the ground that France was engaged in a war of its own, that Spain was weak, and so forth. Of the Prince of Orange ' se bene il Padre Filippo dice che esso Principe non habbia danari, si crede pero sia per somministrarne segretamente per non crescere la gelosia agli Stati causata dal matrimonio del figliuolo. Circa a Bavari si credono meri discorsi. In Danimarca si potrebbe havere maggior speranza di gente se bene sino adesso non si scopre veramente che vi sia passata trattatione.' — Rossetti to Barberini, July ^, A\ 0. Transcripts. m ' The Queen to the King, March — , Letters of Henrietta Maria, 52. ■ ^ Iter Carolinum in Gutch, Coll. Ciii-iosa, ii. 427. ' 1 642 ■ THE KENTISH PETITION. 179 self ready to do so, if only Parliament would acknowledge its errors.' If Charles thought it expedient to abandon for a time his projects upon Hull, it was with no thought of acknowledging the authority of the Parliament at Westminster. He wished to show that the centre of the State was to be found wherever his March 23. person was. On March 23 he summoned Essex and Essex and Holland, with two other lords, to attend him at York, Holland sent ' ' for. on the pretext that he wished to keep state at Easter M.irch 28. ^^^ at the Feast of St. George. The House of Lords at once ordered its members to remain in attendance on their Parliamentary duties.^ Charles's efforts to shake the resolution of the Houses had hitherto been singularly ineffectual. Intrigue and argument in turn had been employed in vain. The ramparts of apparent HuU Were Still manned by Hotham's trained bands, eipiessness. jjy^jg'g lengthy statc papers were answered by others as lengthy, and apparently more convincing than his own. No man was prepared to draw sword merely to give the King the mastery over his Parliament ; and if Parliament had really re- presented the nation in 1642 as it had represented it in 1640, Charles would have been powerless. For some time, however, there had been signs that it was no longer so, and those signs had lately been increasing rapidly. Most valuable as an indication of the distracted condition of the country was the Kentish petition, drawn up on March 25 ( ,, ^ by the grand jury at the assizes held at Maidstone. March 25. -^ , ^ •" -' The Kentish It is truc that, as afterwards appeared, the grand petition. j^^y j^^^ been selected not in the usual way by the sheriff, but under the direction of Justice Mallett, who presided over the court ; and that of the nineteen gentlemen who com- posed it, a bare majority of ten supported the petition. But the importance of the petition lies not in its official character, but in the language in which it was couched. It began by thanking Parliament for the excellent laws which 'by His ' Stockdale to Lord Fairfax, March 25, April i. Fairfax Correspon, ii. 389. Yorkshire Petition, April 5. Z. J. iv. 710. ■' L. 7. iv. 675. N 2 i8o THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. civ. Majesty's grace and goodness ' had been obtained, and by- asking for the full execution of the laws against the Catholics. It then proceeded to request ' that the solemn liturgy of the Church ' might be freed ' from interruptions, scorns, profana- tions, threats, and force of such men who daily do deprave it, and neglect the use of it in divers churches, in despite of the laws established ; that episcopal government might be pre- served, and that all differences concerning religion might be submitted to a synod chosen by the clergy, and means taken to provide against the scandal of schismatical and seditious sermons and pamphlets, and some severe law made against laymen for daring to arrogate to themselves and to exercise the holy function of the ministry — to the advancing of heresy, schism, profaneness, libertinism, anabaptism, atheism.' Coer- cive jurisdiction must be restored for the repression of moral and ecclesiastical offences. Ireland must be relieved. The mihtia must be settled by law with His Majesty's consent, and no order of either House, not grounded on existing law, was to be enforced till the Royal assent had converted it into a statute. The Kentish petition may fairly be accepted as embodying the spirit which was soon to animate the King's supporters in Spirit of the the Civil War. Their newly awakened zeal for the petition. prerogative had been quickened by the belief that it would be used to crush the disturbers of ecclesiastical peace. They protested against the assault made upon the Church which had been inspired by the broad and tolerant spirit of Hooker. That Church, they felt instinctively, deserved better, things than to be torn asunder to gratify the ranting out- cries of the conventicle. Unhappily they could see nothing in Puritanism but its weakest and lowest side. Still more un- happily they scouted the very idea of toleration for the sects. Milton's "The prelates," as Milton had written a l^w weeks ecdeSasticai before, " as they would have it thought, are the only jurisdiction, mauls of schism. Forsooth, if they be put down, a deluge of innumerable sects will follow ; we shall all be Brown- I ists, Familists, Anabaptists. For the word Puritan seems to be quashed, and all that heretofore were counted such are now 1642 -MILTON AGAINST PRELATY. t8i Brownists." ' Milton refused to be led astray by that dread of the sects which was sweeping away the bulk of the English gentry to the King. His inference was precisely the opposite from that which was drawn l)y the Kentish petitioners. " Jurisdictive power in the Church," he boldly said, "there ought to be none at all. . . . For when the Church without temporal support is able to do her great works upon the unforced obedience of men, it argues a divinity about her ; but when she thinks to credit and better her spiritual efficacy, and to win herself respect and dread by strutting in the false vizard of worldly authority, it is evident that God is not there, but that her apostolic virtue is departed from her, and hath left her key-cold ; which she perceiving, as in a decayed nature, seeks to the outward fomentations and chafings of worldly help and external flourishes to fetch, if it be possible, some motion into her extreme parts, or to hatch a counterfeit heat of jurisdiction." ^ It would have been well if the practical men in the House of Commons had bestowed some attention on the strange It finds no Utterances of this idealist. Milton's time, however, response. ^^.^g ^^^ ygj. come. Even Cromwell, who was one day to become the exponent of these thoughts in the field and in council, would now have deemed them, if they reached his ears at all, too unpractical to be worthy of attention. The Kentish petitioners were to be put down, not answered. Four of their March 28. number — Sir Edward Bering and the honest large- ment^of tht' winded antiquary Sir Roger Twysden amongst them petitioners. — were scnt for to be examined as offenders. Judge Mallett, who had presided at the assizes, and Bristol, who was charged with having in his hands a copy of the petition with- out giving information to Parliament, were committed to the Tower ; whilst selected extracts from the petition itself were voted to be seditious. The House, in fact, had a plan of its own for the settle- ment of the Church. Questions at issue were to be determined ' The Reason of Church Government against Prelaty, \. 6. - Ibid. ii. 3. 1 82 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MILITIA. CH. crv. not, as the petitioners proposed, by an assembly of divines The rival choscn by the clergy, many of whom had been insti- schemes for tuted undcr Laudian influence, but by an assembly of the settle- . i -r-. i- meiitofthe divmcs choscn by Parliament. A Bill condemning the late innovations had already passed the Com- mons and had been read twice by the Lords. ^ Two absolutely contradictory conceptions of Church worship were face to face. Neither side would give way. Neither side thought it possible to conciliate the other. If any one moment can be selected as that in which the Civil War became inevitable, The Civil . . j War now it IS that of the vote of March 28, by which the I '"''''' ^ ^' Kentish petitioners were treated as criminals. From I that moment the indignation of hundreds of high-spirited gentlemen came rapidly to a head, and it would not be long before they placed their swords at the services of a king who shared in their prejudices and their resolve.^ It has often been said with truth, that the miseries which France underwent at the close of the last century were in the main owing to the persistency with which Frenchmen followed Its cause in ideals, to the disregard of the historical conditions of serva'tism of '^heir time. English politicians and English writers Englishmen, havc nevcr been weary of repeating that our Revolu- tion was conducted after a very different fashion. It has been our glory that our liberties were inherited from our ancestors of old, and that the men of the 17th century claimed no more than a confirmation of the rights which had been won at Runnymede and Lewes, and which were in some sort brought by our remoter progenitors from beyond the sea. Yet this advantage, like every other, has brought with it its attendant disadvantage. In the cri- sis of the 17th century it produced in both parties a shortsighted conservatism which was fatal to any peaceable solution of the ' C. J. ii. 502, 507. L. J. iv. 678. ^ Three days later Salvetti wrote : ' lo credo che se Sua Maesta havri un poco di pazienza sia per rimettersi ; siando impossibile che il Parla- mento non si rompa in ultimo fra di loro ; oltre che i Gentilhuomini siando stracchi del suo rigido procedere cominciano ad aderire a Sua Maesta.' — Salvetti's News-Letter, April ^. 1642 . STEERIXG FOR WAR. 183 problem before the nation. Men had grown so familiar with inquiries into what had been, that they did not sufficiently trouble themselves to ask what ought to be. They consulted antiquity when they should have been providing for the future. They did not see that they had embarked on an unknown sea, where their old charts would avail them little. i84 CHAPTER CV. * THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. If both parties were equally impervious to new ideas on the supreme question of toleration, it was of little consequence that Parliament the existing Constitutional formalities were better ob- "e°presfnts served by the party which was about to support the the nation. King than by the party which continued to oppose him. Pym and his friends had been driven by the course of events to uphold the doctrine that Parliament and not the King was supreme in England How could they hope to make it good unless the votes of Parhament embodied the national will ? Yet it was now perfectly evident that this was no longer the case. Killigrew's suggestion that a deputation of April I. & »o I Kiiiigrew's mcmbcrs should be sent into each county to inquire suggestion, j^^^^ ^^^ opinion of the constituencies, on the ground that ' it was not the exacting of a law that made it in force, but the willing obedience to it,' was no doubt open to grave ob- jections, but it touched the weak point of Pym's policy to the quick. ^ It was Pym's part to assume that he had all England _ - at his back. On March 20 directions were sent to March 29. Hull to be Hotham to reinforce the garrison of Hull, and on April 2 the Commons voted that the munitions at ^" ^' Hull should be brought to London, though the vote was afterwards changed, at the instance of the Lords, to a re- quest to the King to consent to their removal. On the other hand, a company of horsemen rode out of London on the 3rd ' D'Ewes's Diary, I/arl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 5S b. i642 • THE KING IN THE NORTH. 185 to join the King at York, and it was known that the Genlle- . ., men Pensioners had obeyed a summons from Charles April 3. ■' Help for the to attend his person in the North. '"^' On April 4 the Commons appointed a committee to prepare a declaration of their ecclesiastical policy ; and on the same day the two Houses, finding that Charles had taken by forblddcn the appointment of Warwick to command ar lamen . ^j^^ fleet, directed Northumberland to instal their nominee as Vice-Admiral in defiance of the King. The two resolutions had a closer connection than appears at first sight. The ecclesiastical policy of the Commons rendered necessary their preparations for war.' The Lords had already agreed that the militia ordinance should be put in force even without the King's consent. On ^ ^.jg the 8th they sentenced Benyon to fine and imprison- Benyon mcnt for his attempt to stir up resistance to the sen ence . j^-^jiiti^ Ordinance under cover of the privileges of the City.^ The Lords in truth were no more than a shadow of their former selves. Many of the Royalist peers had The Royalist . , i , , , , peers cease givcn Up the Struggle and had ceased to attend m their places. In the division taken on Benyon's sentence there were but nineteen votes in the majority. The minority was composed of fourteen only.^ Charles had, in the meanwhile, been listening alternately to his hopes and his fears. As yet there had been little to en- . _ courage him in the North. The bulk of the gentry The York- showed little inclination to support him, and pe- tionfP"'" titioned him to come to terms with Parliament. \prii 7 Charles, in his reply, assured them that all would be The King's w^ell If Only Parliament would consider the message ^^^ ^' in which he had asked that its demands on ecclesi- astical matters should be presented to him as a whole, and would agree to settle the militia by Bill instead of by ordi- nance.* It would have been better for Charles if he could have been ' C. J. ii. 510. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 62 b. "^ See page i5S. ^ L. J. iv. 6S2-705. < Rushworth^ iv. 613. 1 86 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. content to act persistently on these lines. The outburst of feeling which had been to some extent revealed in the Kentish petition, had drawn from the Houses an announcement of the April 8. moderation of their desires and intentions with regard don of t^he"^^' ^'^ '^^ Church. Their only wish, they said, was for Houses on ' a duc and necessary reformation of the government Churcli ° reform. audliturgy of the Church,' and ' to take away nothing in the one or the other but what shall be evil and justly offen- sive, or at least unnecessary and burdensome, and, for the better effecting thereof, speedily to have consultation with godly and learned divines.' ' The course which prudence clearly dictated to Charles was to accept the hand thus held out to him, to endeavour to reduce to a minimum the changes which would be demanded, and to come to some compromise on the question of the militia. Yet, in order to make such an attempt possible, it was absolutely necessary that he should be able to inspire confidence in his sincerity, and should induce his subjects to believe that he was no longer the Charles who had dabbled in army plots the year before. Yet as if to render all hope of conciliation impossible, on the very day on which the resolution on the Church was accepted by the Lords a message was speeding southwards which revived all the old suspicions. In this message Charles announced his resolution to go to Ireland to suppress the rebellion. For this purpose he intended Charles de- to raisc a guard of 2,000 foot and 200 horse and to dares that ^j.^-j t;ht;m from the magazine at Hull. To remove he will go to o Ireland. ^11 misunderstandiug he had ordered a Bill to be prepared for settling the militia, a Bill which, as it afterwards appeared, proposed that the command should be placed in the hands of the persons named in the Parliamentary ordinance, to be exercised for one year under the directions of the King signified by both Houses of Parliament, as long as he was in England, and under the directions of Parliament alone when he was beyond the sea.'^ ' L. J. iv. 706. - Ibid. 709. The Bill has not been preserved, but its contents may be discovered from the subsequent discussions. 1 642 ^THE KING'S NEW SCHEME. 187 ^^'e may well believe that Hyde had no part in this unlucky message.' No one who read it could doubt that Charles, His probable having been disappointed of the support which he had intentions, expectcd in the North, designed either to attach himself to the army which he intended to lead against the Irish insurgents, or even to avail himself in some way of those very insurgents whom he was professing to assail. In either case the relinquishment of the command of the militia for a single year would only tide over the time till he was ready to return from Ireland at the head of a body of devoted and vic- torious troops. That this strange scheme of a journey to Ireland had been concerted with the Queen there can be little doubt.^ In the The Queen Spring of 1642, as much as in the spring of 1641, she hefp from ^^'^^ the Centre of a wide-reaching plot for securing the Dutch ; ^^g co-opcration in her favour of irreconcilably antagonistic forces. Her offer of the Prince of Wales to Frede- rick Henry as a son-in-law had made its expected impression, and the Prince of Orange had readily taken up her suggestion that Dutch ambassadors should be sent to England nomi- nally to offer the mediation of the States between the King and Parliament, but in reality to pave the way for more direct assist- ance to be given, if it should prove necessary, to the Royal cause. It was true that the commercial aristocracy of the Province of Holland set itself strongly against this plan for entangling ' Here is the opinion of a strong Royalist on it : "You may easily imagine how unsatistied I am with the resolution His Majesty hath taken concerning Ireland, till I understand from you how it agrees with the sense you have of what is fit for him to do at this time . . . The King is resolved to take the Prince with him." — Grandison to Hyde, April 12, Clarendon MSS. 1588. * "I will reply to your letter, where you say that if you can go to Ireland, and that the road by England is not safe, that you will go to Ireland by Scotland, which is a road that I apprehend extremely ; for the troops who are going are entirely devoted to the Parliament, and they will hold you as a prisoner, if the Parliament please ; thus you cannot join the army of the Catholics, nor approach Dublin by that road. " — The Queen to the King, ^^^ '^, Letters of Heni-ietta Maria, 66. On the suspicions of Parliament, see Giustinian to the Doge, April 'SijApnUa y^^^^^ Tran- ° * 25, May 2 scripts R. 0. 1 88 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. them in strife with the English Parliament, and that even the lower ranks of the population, hitherto devoted to the House of Orange, showed signs of breaking away from an allegiance which called on them to applaud the sacrifice of the interests of the republic to a dynastic alliance with a Catholic queen. ^ At the beginning of April, however, the project was not yet given up by Charles and the Queen, and the same might be said of that April II. °^'^^'" project for obtaining aid from Denmark. Ever and from sincc the King had left London a succession of com- Denmark. . . 111 • 1 ... 1 , ■ munications had been passmg betwixt hmi ana his uncle ; and though the idea of sending Digby to Copenhagen was abandoned, from fear of rousing the suspicions of Parlia- ment, a. communication was on April ii addressed by the Queen to Christian IV., which could hardly have referred to anything else than the succour which she expected from him.^ If any one of these schemes was to come to anything, it ' Zon to the Doge, March ^' ''*' ", Venice MSS. Olanda. 17, 24, 31' - Dr. Fridericia, whose thorough knowledge of the archives of his country led me to consult him on this point, has been good enough to write to me from Copenhagen as follows : " In our Geheimearchiv exists a notice about a conversation between Henrietta Maria and the Danish resident, Tanke, at the Hague, dated Hagce Comitis, April — , 1642. The Queen says that she has received a letter from King Charles to be sent to the King of Denmark, per nobikm aliquein ex Ifollandia, but fearing that such a mission might increase the suspicion of the Parliament, she has preferred to give the letter to the resident, qiium sit de re tantum privata. More is not noted down, and in the relations of the resident to the King he does not mention this conversation at all. But, besides that, there exist two letters of credence from Charles I. to Christian IV., of the first half of 1642, the first dated Dover, Feb. 23, and the second dated York, May lO ; but the names and purposes of the ambassadors are not named. In the first letter the King speaks about Pextreviite oii je suis ; in the second he only men- tions propositions to be made. The missions are not, as far as I know, elsewhere mentioned in Danish sources. But before this, two ambassadors, also the Colonel Henderson who returned to Denmark in the autumn of 1642, visited Christian IV. in the first days of February." I feel no doubt tliat the letter of credence of Feb. 23 was intended to have been carried by Digby. Of that of May 10 I can only guess that it contained detailed instructions for Digby, or for some other person, whom Charles still con- templated sending. i642 • THE QUEEN'S ADVICE. 189 was absolutely necessary that the King should have in his pos- session a seaport in which to receive foreign troops or foreign munitions of war. The Queen had little patience with her ^ ^.j g husband's hesitation to make the attempt on Hull. The Queen " As to what you wrotc me," she urged, "that every- c'ifaries to body dissuadcs you concerning Hull from taking it seize Hull, j^^ force, unless the Parliament begins — Is it not be- ginning, to put persons into it against your orders ? For my part I think that the Parliament believes that you are constantly expecting an accommodation . . . and that else, they would speak after another fashion. For you having Hull is not beginning anything violent, for it is only against the rascal who refuses it to you. . . . Think that if you had not stopped so prematurely, our affairs would perhaps be in a better state than they are, and you would at this moment have Hull." • The King would gladly have had Hull if he could have had it without show of open violence. On the 14th, whilst he was still waiting for an answer to his proposal to visit The^King's Iceland, he sent a reply to the request made to him abom the ^^ Parliament for his permission to remove the maga- magazine at zinc from Hull to the Towcr. That reply was doubt- less drawn up by Hyde. Treating the appointment of Hotham as the illegal act which it undoubtedly was, he appealed to that sense of legality which is always strong in Enghshmen, and which was especially strong in the 17th cen- tury. " And now," he wrote, " let us ask you ; . . . Will there never be a time to offer to, as well as to ask of us ? We will propose no more particulars to you, having no such luck to please or to be understood by you. Take your own time for what concerns our particular ; but be sure you have an early speedy care of the public, that is of the only rule which pre- serves the public, the law of the land ; preserve the dignity and Charles rcvercuce due to that. It was well said in a speech quotes Pym. niadc by a private person," — it was Pym's speech against Strafford from which Charles was about to quote — "but published by order of the House of Commons this Parliament : ' The Queen to the King, April -^, Letters of Ilctirictta Maria, 59. igo THE EVE OF- THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. ' The law is that which puts a difference betwixt good and evil, betwixt just and unjust. If you take away the law, all things will fall into a confusion, every man will become a law unto himself; which, in the depraved condition of human nature, must needs produce many great enormities. Lust will become a law and envy will become a law ; covetousness and ambition will become laws, and what dictates, what decisions such laws will produce may easily be discerned.' So said that gentleman, and much more very well in defence of the law, and against arbitrary power." ' Over Pym and the Parliamentary majority Charles might enjoy an argumentative triumph. Their own experience was Value of this teaching them the truth which Strafford had always reply. firmly upheld, that the government of nations must rest upon a broader basis than that of positive law. They had grasped at arbitrary power to defeat arbitrary power. Charles clung to arbitrary power under the form of legality. Pym's true answer was that the King was not to be trusted. A legal power, which was to put the King at the head of a conquering army in Ireland, in order that he might return with the means in his hands of stopping even the most necessary reforms in England, was a legal power which ought to be abolished as soon as possible. Already, before this message was received, Parliament had begged the King to desist from his purpose of visiting Ireland, April 15. under the transparent pretext of anxiety for the safety Parliament ^f j^jg persou, and had added a threat that if he per- requests the ^ _ i King not to sisted in going, they would pay no obedience to any land. , commissioners appointed to govern England in his April 18. absence. Their answer to the King's appeal to the pIrHament law was a peremptory order that the magazine should the'^Xgr- be removed from Hull, accompanied with a full ap- zine. proval of Hotham's conduct in command. On the April 20. Qtiier hand something was done to give the Kins: Nomination . ° ^ , , ^ of divines. Satisfaction in his demands about the militia and the Church. On the 20th the Commons took in hand the nomina- ' C. J. ii. 532. 1642 'THE KING'S MILITIA BILL. 191 tion of the divines who were to be consulted on the proposed The King's ecclcsiastical reforms, and on the same day the King's Militia Bill. Militia Bill, which had come down from the Lords, passed through committee. It is true that it was subjected to some amendments. The time of its operation was extended from one to two years, and it was now proposed that instead of leaving the right of calling out and employing the militia to the King's orders, signified by the two Houses of Parliament, it should be left with the Lords- Lieutenants themselves, who were named in the Bill. It was obvious that, as proposed by the King, the Bill would, as long as Charles remained in the king- dom, have reduced the militia to inactivity, unless he chose to send a message requesting the Houses to put it in motion ; and that it would therefore offer no security against an invasion coming with the concurrence of Charles himself' It is unlikely that Charles, as soon as he heard that he was not to go to Ireland, retained any inclination to favour the Militia Bill, even in the shape in which it had left his hands. The reception of the resolution of the Houses to remove the magazine from Hull stung him at once to action of that kind which he most affected. He would go to Hull, not as an act of war, but merely to take possession of his own. The resolves to town was his, and the munitions were his. Who would go to Hull. . 11- resist hmi if he claimed his own property ? He was the more able to act freely as he had just had the satisfaction of recovering another of his children. On the i6th ^ ^.| ^g Hertford arrived, bringing with him the Duke of The Duke of York.^ lu that which Charles was about to do he brought to had some local feeling on his side. On the 22nd the King. gjj. pj-ancis Wortley and about twenty other York- Wor't^ey" shircmcn presented him with a petition in the name petition. Qf {he couuty, in which he was asked to forbid the removal of the munitions. Charles indeed made it his object to avoid everything ' The account of the Bill comes from the subsequent explanations on both sides. The reason given for its amendment is purely conjectural. '■^ Nicholas to Roe, April 20, S. P. Doni. 192 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. that savoured of violence. He believed that Sir John Hotham, if properly approached, would not refuse to surrender the fortress to its natural master. On the 22nd, therefore, he sent the Elector Palatine and the Duke of York to visit the town, as if to satisfy their curiosity. The lads were directed to send information to the King as to his chance of obtaining admission. In their inexperience they mistook the respect with which they were received for a sign of loyal submission, and despatched a messenger to the King with a favourable account April 23. * ^ The King of all that they had witnessed.' The next day ac- before u . (,Qj-(^ij^giy Charlcs sct out for Hull. When he was three or four miles off, he punctiliously sent Bristol's half- brother, Sir Lewis Dives, with a letter to Hotham, explaining that he was coming to view his magazines, and threatening, in case of refusal, to make his way into the town, ' according to the laws of the land.'- If Hotham had been suddenly confronted by the King in person, it is possible that he might have given way. As it was, Hotham's ^6 had plenty of time to collect his thoughts. He position. knew that about forty- five suspicious persons had entered the town the night before in the train of the Princes, and he had reason to believe that the Princes had not come on a mere passing visit of curiosity. He was now informed that Charles had 300 horsemen in his train, and it was rumoured that there were 400 more behind. Before the King made his appearance, Hotham resolved to be true to those who had placed him where he was. He ordered the drawbridges to be drawn up, and sent to announce to Charles his resolution. Hotham When he learned that in spite of this message the refuses to King was bcforc the gates, he took his stand on the Hdmit the o ° ' King. wall. With all humble expressions of duty he refused to break his trust. Charles was not likely to be satisfied with such an excuse as this. His followers cried out to the garrison to kill Hotham and to throw him over the wall. The garrison stood staunchly by their commander. Charles made one last ' Giustiniaii to the Doge, ^^j^i Venice Transcripts, R. 0. 2 Hotham to the Speaker, L. J. v. 28. 1 642 • THE KING BEFORE HULL. 193 attempt. He engaged that if Hotham would but let him in he would bring with him no more than twenty men. Hotham, who knew that, on account of the Royalist feeling of the popu- lation, it would be as easy to get him out again with 300 as with 20, positively refused. Charles called on the heralds to proclaim Hotham a traitor, and rode discomfited away. It was a matter of course that a long and vehement paper war should arise out of this incident, that the Houses should Controversy declare that the King's efforts to get possession of opened. Hull wcre actuated by a desire to obtain a basis of operations for a Civil War, and that the King should declare that Hotham had simply committed an act of treason. The real interest of the situation lay elsewhere. That King and Parliament could not leave their quarrel much longer to the arbitrament of amicable discussion was by this time a foregone conclusion. The only question of real importance was whether Charles would find an army to back him. His first attempt did April 30. not seem likely to be crowned with success. On the The King's ^oth a large number of the gentry of Yorkshire with demand of ^ ^ . the Vork- the high sheriff at their head appeared to present a shiremen. . . , _^ . t • ^ ■ /- ,~.- petition to the King repudiating the action of Sir Francis Wortley. Before the petition was presented Charles asked them whether thev would defend his person from vio- lence, and would advise him how to vindicate himself from the affront which he had received at Hull. They replied that they would always be ready to defend him from violence, and Mays. ^^^ ^^^ '-'^^^ ^^^^ ^° vindicate his honour was to Prohibits follow the counsel of Parliament.' Charles was the York- obliged to couteut himself with the issue of a negative trained Order to the high sheriff requiring him to prohibit bands. ^.j^^ j^^^ ^^ ^^ trained bands of the county except on a summons from himself.^ On the same day the Declaration that the Houses at v\ estminster havins heard that Charles militia or- ,, ... . ii- ' »• -« r-,. • dinance is to had positivcly refused his assent to his own Militia be executed, -g-jj ^^ ^j^^ pretext of the alterations which had been made in it, issued a declaration of their resolution to fall back ' L. y. V. 36. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. 163, fol. loi b. - J\!ts/i7t'0?-O'i, iv. 574. VOL. X. O 194 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. upon the ordinance, and required all persons in authority to put it in execution. At the same time they despatched Committee ^ . . . sent to a committee to Yorkshire to watch over their in- Yorkshire. , terests there.' It was not in Yorkshire alone that Charles met with a re- buff. In Scotland, too, he had been asking for more support than he was likely to get. The proposal of going to Ireland had been in all probabiUty of the Queen's suggestion. What she wanted was that he should join the army of the Catholics there. Charles preferred to wage war under forms of peace. At the same time that he had announced ^ to his English Par- liament his intention of going to Ireland, he had made a similar announcement to the Scottish Privy Council, informing them that he intended to take Edinburgh on his way. He even hoped that Scotland would support him in his contention Scotland against the English Parliament. No hope could have hdp'the° been wilder. He had, it is true, a considerable party ^'°g- in the Scottish Council. But Argyle stood firm, and Arg}'le's will was not to be resisted. On April 22 the Council drew up a recommendation to the King to abandon the Irish expedition and to come to terms with his Parliament. Whilst Charles was beating about for support, the Commons acted on the supposition that he intended to make war against them if only he were able to do so. On the 23rd Parliament ^ ^j[ ^, struck at the King through the Attorney-General. Sentence on Sir Edward Herbert was Sentenced to imprisonment torney- for his conduct in impeaching the members. There General. ^.^^ nothing vindictivc in his treatment, and in little more than a fortnight he was set at liberty.^ On the 30th the April 30. Kentish petition at last reached the House. Two The Kentish q{ jhc principal gentlemen who brous;ht it were at petition . . . presented. once Committed to prison; Bristol had been released some days before. On May 7 a peremptory order for the ' Z. 7. V. 46. 2 Declaration, April 22. L. J. v. 53. The Queen to the King, ^j",'^» Letters of Henrietta Maria, 66. forster to Chavigny, April ^, Arch, dcs Aff. Etr. xlix. fol. 83. s Z. 7. v.'ii, 58. i642 ■ AjV appeal to YORKSHIRE. 195 removal of the Hull magazine was issued by Parliament, and May 10. on the loth a review of the London trained bands, FrnsbiT'" 8,000 strong, was held in Finsbury Fields in the Fields. presence of both Houses of Parliament.' The King's prospects appeared more gloomy every day. On the Sth the Parliamentary commissioners arrived at York. The King at "^^ might have been expected they found but a cool York. reception from Charles, who warned them not to tamper with his subjects there. He had invited the gentry of the county to meet him at York on the 12th. On their ar- Ma ' 12 ^^^''^^ ^^ unfolded his wrongs in their presence. "You The King's scc," hc Said, " that my magazine is going to be taken appeal to the , . j j • ^i Yorkshire froiii me — being my own proper goods — directly ^''"''^' against my will. The Militia, against la\v and my consent, is going to be put in execution ; and lastly. Sir John Hotham's treason is countenanced. All this considered, none can blame me to apprehend danger." He was therefore re- solved to have a guard for the protection of his person, and to this he asked their concurrence. The assembly was much divided. The next morning four several answers were returned, ranging from complete acquies- May 13. cence in the King's demand to a curt advice to him Diversity of jq hearken to his Parliament. In the end a com- their answers. mittce of twclve was appointed to draw up a reply ; whilst a large number of freeholders complained bitterly that they ought to have been consulted on the matter as well as the gentry, and urged upon the King the importance of coming to an understanding with his Parliament.'^ The committee of twelve could come to no agreement. Six were for doing as the King wished, and six were for a ne- May 14. gative answer. Charles took the matter into his own Jrdtr^a^ hands. On the 14th he issued orders that the gentry guard. of the county were to appear in arms at York on the 20th as a guard for his person.^ The next day a regiment of the Yorkshire trained bands was bidden to meet in arms on the ' Clarendon, v. 139. Salvetti's News- Letter, May — . * Rus/nvorth, iv. 615- * Ibid. 621. o 2 196 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. 17th. At the same time Charles sent directions to Skippon, the commander of the City trained bands, to come to May 15. • ■' ' Sends fur York, and ordered the Lord Keeper to remove the and'?r°de'rs Law Courts from Westminster to the same city, oahe"""''' On the 17th the Houses resolved that the removal courts. Qf j-j-jg courts and the order to Skippon were both ]^i^y jj, illegal, and directed the sheriffs to suppress any levy Resistance of men made without their authority.' On the 20th of Parlia- . . -^ . . ment. they expressed the opinion that the King mtended May 20. to make war against his Parliament, and summoned Summons ,. ,.^ ,. ... -^ f. from Parlia- hmi to dcsist irom his purpose of raismg troops. It ™^"'" he did not, they would be bound to use their utmost endeavours to secure the peace and quiet of the kingdom.^ Charles had already made up his mind to summon round him what forces he had at his disposal. His Yorkshire guard would not have been sufficient to secure him. The Alay 21. The King's regiment of tramed bands called out by him was ^"^"^ ■ quartered at York, and on the 21st about 200 gentle- men of the county rode in to place themselves at his disposal. He had invited the Lords and Commons who were willing to support him to place themselves by his side, and one or two lords had already responded to the call. The Lord-Keeper, timid and indecisive, yet unable to resist a Royal Lor'ds and Order, had been the first to slip away and to bring the Great Seal to the King at York. Hyde quickly followed, and for some time there was a continual stream of noblemen and gentlemen making their way northwards. On the other hand, Warwick's ships fetched away the stores from Hull before the end of the month, and safely lodged them in the Tower. All this time the paper war had continued as hotly as ever. At last on June 2 it was brought to a head by the Nineteen June 2. Propositions sent off on that day by the Houses tlenProposi- ^^ '^'^^ ^.ing. They were a new edition of the lions. Provisions of Oxford. They claimed sovereignty for Parliament in every particular. The King's Council, the ' L. J. V. 67. - Ibid. 76. 1642 • THE NINETEEN PROPOSITIONS. 197 King's officials, the very judges of the land were to be selected by Parliament. The Militia ordinance was to be accepted, all delinquents to submit to the justice of Parliament, the King's guard to be dismissed, and the fortresses placed in the hands of persons approved of by Parliament. The recusancy laws were to be put fully into execution. The children of Roman Catholic parents were to be educated as Protestants. The Church was to be reformed according to the desires of Parlia- ment, and no Peers subsequently created were to be allowed to sit in the House of Ivords without the consent of both Houses.^ It is impossible to deny that these propositions carried with them an abrogation of the existing constitution ; yet with Their cha- the exception of the clauses directed against the racter. recusants, and those which related merely to mat- ters of temporary importance, there is scarcely a word in them which is not in accordance with the spirit of the constitution of the present day. What we do indirectly through a Cabi-net which maintains itself in power only so long as it is secure of the support of the House of Commons, our forefathers pro- posed to do directly by an immediate vote of the two Houses. Sovereignty, they held, must be lodged in Parliament 'which represented the nation, and not in a king on whom no man could depend. Such a view implied a great step in advance. Pym's greatness lies in the clearness with which he substituted the notion of the civic duty of loyalty to the corporate body of the nation for that of duty to a single person. So far the argument sounds well enough. Its weakness lay in the fact that this special Parliament did not at this time any longer represent the nation as a whole, nor did it claim to content itself with representative functions alone. Where thought is free and religious and scientific liberty is secured, a representative assembly may well claim to be but the mirror in which the national purpose is reflected. It does not claim to force future generations into a form which it has chosen for them. It leaves the wind of spirit and intelligence to blow whither it listeth, and makes no attempt to crush down the ' L. J. V. 97. 198 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. new life of the future into the narrow mould of which alone it approves. It was not so with the Long Parliament in 1642. It was resolved to choose for the nation the Church-forms and the Church-doctrine which it thought best. In all matters of the highest moment England was to take its ply from Parliament, and not Parliament from England. Pym and his comrades claimed the rights of representation without understanding its duties. Nor was this all. Even if it could be assumed that the ecclesiastical policy of Pym's supporters was entirely right, it was inevitable that, in the clash of authorities, Parliament should assume many functions which it could not permanently exercise without detriment to the nation. Parhament had come slowly and reluctantly to the conclusion that the govern- ment of England could not safely be left in Charles's hands. Charles could not be allowed to use the executive powers which he had hitherto possessed to introduce foreign troops into an English seaport, and with their help to make himself master of the country. Yet it was impossible that those execu- tive powers could remain in abeyance. Even when public excitement is at the lowest ebb, it is absolutely necessary that there shall be some government to direct the course of public action. Recent experience has taught us that the wisest course would have been the dethronement of Charles and the imme- diate instalment of a new sovereign. The Long Parliament could not as yet venture on such a step. Public opinion amongst its own members as Avell as in the nation would have scouted the idea as treacherous and disloyal, and its own anxiety to innovate as little as possible led it to the greatest and most disastrous of innovations. The Houses took the executive authority into their own hands, and assumed functions for which a representative assembly is by its very nature un- fitted. Nothing could come of it but hasty and violent action. Rewards and punishments would be distributed according to the temper of the majority. The majesty of the law would be overwhelmed in the attempt to uphold it. In the midst of the struggles of parties and factions the will of the many would be substituted for the will of one. 1642 . THE TWO PARTIES. 199 It was this wliich was sending so many of the Enghsh gentry on the road to York. They felt instinctively that it was not a reign of liberty which was offered them at Westminster. Nothing Vet what better thing could they expect from hoped from ChaHes ? What possible pohtical institutions could Charles. ^g founded on his dry legality, on his persistent claim to stop all legislation to which his personal assent was not given, on his determination to ignore the rights of con- science in all who differed from himself? What better thing, we may even ask, could these Royalists expect from themselves? At their worst, they were rebels against the strict and stern morality of Puritanism. At their best, they were upholders of the culture of the Renaissance in religion and in life, and in following after culture, as often happens, they had lost that touch of the spiritual needs of the masses without which culture loses its power as a social force. The chasm which had been opened in the sixteenth century was widened in the seventeenth into a yawning gulf. The mind of the modern enquirer seeking for indications of peace turns bewildered from A\'estminster to York, and back again from York to West- minster. Nowhere is to be seen the large-hearted genius which pierces to the heart of a situation, and holds aloft the principle which reconciles instead of the principle which separates. The nation, as well as its Parliament, has broken asunder, and sad and evil are the days that are before it. Yet the spectacle, miserable as it is, is not one to be turned from with loathing. " If the heart be right," said Raleigh on the scaffold, " what matter how the head lie ? " ^Vith most who took opposite sides now, the heart was right. Cavalier and Roundhead were taking sides neither in thoughtlessness nor in anger. Each saw^ the fault in his brother ; though he could not discern his own. Even by this time it was not absolutely certain that the King would find a party to defend him. On June 3, whilst Junes, the Nineteen Propositions were on their way from Jt^H^wor'th London, the freeholders and farmers of Yorkshire Moor. vi\QX, at the King's bidding, on Heyworth Moor, close to York. The number of those who flocked to the rendezvous -oo THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. ch. cv. was variously calculated at from 40,000 to 80,000. It v.-as too great a number to come to any ascertained decision. Copies of an appeal made by Charles to his subjects' loyalty were read aloud in different parts of the moor. The King, followed by his new guard, rode about to show himself to his subjects. Once Sir Thomas Fairfax, the eldest son of that Lord Fairfax who was member for the county and one of the Parliamentary commissioners,' pressed near enough to offer a petition on the Parliamentary side. Charles refused to receive it, though Fair- fax laid it on the pommel of his saddle. Fairfax was hustled and insulted by the King's attendants. In so large a crowd no order could be kept, and no attempt was made to ascertain its real feeling. Shouts were raised for the King from time to time, but no definite proposition was made, and no definite ! engagement given. Each party interpreted the temper of the ■ meeting according to its own sympathies. Parliamentarians thought that the absence of any distinct offer to support the King was evidence that the popular feeling was against him. Royalists attributed this result merely to defective organisation, and asserted that if a Royalist petition were circulated it would be subscribed by as many hands as there were heads at the meeting. Satisfactory news, too, arrived from A\'ales, and it was understood that the Principality was prepared to rise at a moment's warning.' At Westminster each successive ste|) taken by the King was met by a fresh act of defiance. On June 6 Charles's prohibi- tion of the musters of the militia was answered by June 6. .... Sovereignty a declaration in which sovereignty was claimed by dabbed by Parliament even more distinctly than before. If the Parliament King, they asscrted, chose to allow armed bands, to be collected for the breach of the peace, it was the duty of the Houses to interfere. " What they do herein hath the stamp of Royal authority, although His Majesty, seduced by evil coun- sel, do in his own person oppose or interrupt the same ; for the King's supreme and royal pleasure is exercised and declared in this high court of law and counsel, after a more eminent and * Boynton to Constable, June 4. Nicholas to Roe, June 8, 6". P. Doin. 1642 . SOVEREIGNTY CLAIMED. 201 obligatory manner than it can be by personal act or resolution of his own." ' From such a declaration there was no drawing back. What was now done, w^as done, as the Houses firmly believed, in their self-defence. " Peace and our liberties," wrote one of the most moderate and unambitious members of the House, "are the only things we aim at. Till w-e have peace, I am sure we can enjoy no liberties, and without our liberties, I shall not heartily desire peace." - On the 9th an ordinance was passed calling on everyone who was willing to assist his sufi''ering country to bring in money, plate, or horses for its service.^ Lords and Commons June 9. >■ ' Ordinance liberally rcspondcd to the appeal, though there were in'^mon"ey"^ many Still On the benches of the Lower House who re- hOTse's.^"'^ fused to answer to the call made individually to them Tune 10 ■'^ ^^^ House.'* Constitutional purists, hke D'Ewes, Personal call might wcll regret that in thus demanding of each and Qom- "" man a declaration of his intention, ' the very hberty "'°"^- and freedom of the House suffered.' 5 The time for such scruples had passed. Men were taking sides in a civil 1 war, not carrying on a constitutional debate. More to the pur- pose was the sharp answer of Killigrew, a Royalist member who still remained at Westminster. " If there be occasion," he said, " I will provide a good horse and a good sword, and I make no question but I shall find a good cause." ^ Such words were not of peaceful omen. On the nth, news arrived June II. more threatening still. It was now known that the paTedar' Quceu had been selling or pawning jewels in Am- Amsterdam. stcrdam, and had purchased considerable stores of munitions of war for the service of the King.'' ' Z. 7. V. 112. - Sir R. ^'erney to Lady Earrymore, June 9, Vcrncy A/SS. 3 Z. 7. V. 121. ^ According to Nicholas 70 subscribed, 33 craved time for considera- tion, 50 refused. Nicholas to Roe, June 15, i". P. Dom. - D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 157. * Clare7idoit, v. 338. ' Z. y. V. 126. The Queen to the King, ^'^^^'^s j^^g 7 ^ ^^ . ° June 4 -^ 17 -^ Henrietta Maria, 77, 81. 202 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. On the very day on which this information was circu- lated in London, a forward step was taken at York. It was The King's there resolved to meet organisation by organisation, of'th'e execu- Charles had indeed already issued a proclamation MiHdl'^^ prohibiting the execution of the Militia Ordinance ; Ordmance but that prohibition had produced no effect whatever without ^ '■ effect. to the south of the Humber. In London, indeed, the Lord Mayor was so good a Royalist as to order the pro- clamation containing the prohibition to be publicly read in the City. But even in Lincolnshire, where Royalism was strong amongst the gentry, Lord Willoughby had succeeded in induc- ing the trained bands of the county to accept the Parliamen- tary Ordinance. On the i ith, therefore, Charles determined to _,, take more active measures, and by issuing commis- 1 he com- _ . missions of sious of array to direct the trained bands to place themselves at the disposal of officers appointed by himself Parliament indeed questioned the legality of these commissions, and a new controversy sprang up as bitter and as lengthy as that which had raged over Hotham's right to occupy Hull.' Such controversy was of no practical importance whatever. The main question for the moment was whether the King would succeed in carrying his own party with him. Again and again, in the course of the past year, he had alienated his friends by engaging in plots with foreign powers or with discontented soldiers. If he would be at the head of a great party in Eng- land, he must rely upon that party alone. He must share ^ ,. ^ its feelings and its prejudices. Yet even the Lords Feehng of ° . the Lords at and gentry who had jomed the Kmg at York were by no means so active in his service as he could have wished. They were weary of Pym's dictation, and they were resolved not to submit their necks to the Puritan yoke ; but they had no wish to provoke a civil war, and with all their hearts they detested those intrigues with the Irish Catholics and with foreign powers, the existence of which they could hardly help suspecting. If Charles was not to be isolated as he had been in 1640, he must throw himself, as far as his nature per- ' Rushworth, iv. 655. 1642 . AN APPEAL TO SCOTLAND. 203 mitted him to do so, entirely upon the loyalty of his English supporters. It was this that Charles at last resolved to do. Yet even now, if he for a time took the right course it was rather because his intrigues had failed him than because he had made up his mind to abandon his intrigues. The news which reached him from beyond the limits of England in the first fortnight of June was May 20. not encouraging. Early in May he had made a fresh peals'^ofh; ''iPPe-^l for help to the Scottish Council. ^ He called Cou'ncH for °" ^^^ ^^^ members of the Council on whom he could help. rely to attend at Edinburgh in order to cast their votes on his side. They came according to the custom of their class and nation with armed retainers at their backs. The rumour spread that Argyle was in danger. At once thousands of sturdy peasants flocked over from Fife. Edinburgh and the Lothians declared for Argyle. On May 31st a de- putation, with the Earl of Haddington at its head, summoned the Council to keep peace with the English Par'ia- june2 '""eiit. The Council dared not disobey the popular Refusal of Cry. On June 2 an answer was returned to Charles vaguely worded, but conveying an unmistakable in- timation that if he quarrelled with the English Parliament he had no assistance to expect from Scotland. Still less hopeful was the news from the Hague. The Dutch ambassadors for England had indeed been nominated, Nevvs from t)ut it was uuderstood that they would offer no me- thc Hague, diation unless it were agreeable to both parties. Frederick Henry, finding that the stream of public feeling in his own country was against him, had withdrawn his counten- ance from the Queen's projects. Denmark and Bavaria, France and Spain showed no signs of helping her. For a time Henrietta Maria had clung to the hope that something might come of the King's journey to Ireland, and had proposed to join him there. That journey to Ireland was, however, now definitely abandoned, and the Queen remained at the Hague chafing at her enforced ' The King to the Scottish Council, May 9. The King's Declaration, May 20. Petition to the Council, May 31. The Council to the King, June 4, Council Act Book, Registry Ofiice, Edinburgh. 204 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. inactivity, and wondering why it was that all men did not rise up in support of her righteous cause.' Under this discouragement Charles at last discovered that it would be better for him to show confidence in his own subjects than to put his trust in foreign aid.- He now strove to assure those who surrounded him that he would stand solely on the defensive. On June 13, he announced that June 13. - ..,,.,. , , . ... The King's he would uiamtam the liberties and the just privileges deciaxation. ^^ Parliament, and ' that he would not, as was pre- tended, engage them or any of them in any war against the Parliament, except it were for his necessary defence and safety against such as did insolently invade or attempt against his Majesty or such as should adhere to his Majesty.' To this Engagement t^e Pcers at York replied that they would stand by of the Peers. ^^Q King's just prerogative, and would not obey any order respecting the militia which had not the Royal assent. June 15. Two days later Charles called on the Peers to join in Charles and jj protcst that uo aggressive war was intended. They protest tiiat at ouce responded to his call. "We," they said, they do not , ..... , . " whose names are underwritten, in obedience to his mean war. Majesty's desire, and out of the duty which we owe to his Majesty's honour and to truth, being here upon the place, and witnesses of his Majesty's frequent and earnest declarations and professions of his abhorring all designs of making war upon his Parliament ; and not seeing any colour of preparations or ' See Rossetti's letters, and Zon's despatches for April and May. - After describing the Queen's failure in the words printed at p. 177, note 4, Rossetti continues as follows : " Onde il Re d'lnghilteira con- siderando bene la presente consideratione degl' interessi del mondo, s-^orge da ogni Banda di poter poco sperare ; ma se pure da alcuna delle predetie parte potesse ricevere qualche aiuto di gente, pensarebbe questo essergli di desvantaggio piii tosto che di protitto, attesa 1' avversione che quel popoli hanno naturalmenie a forastieri, et anco per esser questi troppo danno.^i, dubitandosi che i medesimi del partito del Re, quando quelli 1' introduces- sero neir Isola, fassero per alienarsi da S. M'^, . .. per le quali cagioni ha deliberato di procurare con le forze naturali del Regno, e per via di nego- tiationi co' Principali dal Parlamento d' andar estenuando la fattione Parla- mentaria e con la forza destramente mettersi in autoriia et in atto di potere comandare."— Rossetti to Barberini, July ^^, R. 0. Transcripts. 1642 . CONSTITUTIONAL ROYALISTS. 205 counsels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such designs, do profess before God and testify to all the world that we are fully j)ersuaded that his Majesty hath no such inten- tion, but that all his endeavours tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant religion ; the just privileges of Parliament ; the liberty of the subject ; the law, peace, and prosperity of this kingdom." To this were subscribed the names of thirty-five Peers, and also those of Falkland, Nicholas, Culpepper, Sir Peter Wych, and Chief Justice Bankes.^ The acceptance of Charles's declaration by the Peers was an event of no slight importance in English history. It laid J . the foundations of that great party which, under the Foundation . of the management of Hyde, ultimately brought about the Royalist _, * . , -^ ' 1 , . , ^ . ^ . Constitu- Restoration settlement, and which struggled in vam tiona party. ^^ maintain it after time had proved its hollowness. For the time Charles and his supporters were bound together by the strongest of all ties, a common hatred. The immediate' effect of the protestation of the Peers was absolutely nothing. No war was ever staved off by the declarations of both parties that they intend to stand on the defensive, if it were only be- cause neither party is ever of one mind with the other upon the Tune 16 I'^iits which separate the defensive from the offensive. The com- The vcry day after the protestation was signed it was amyTobe rcsolvcd to put in cxccution the Commissions of executed. Array, and it was certain that Parliament would con- sider this a direct act of offensive warfare. It was resolved to make a beginning with Leicestershire. The Parliamentary Lord- Lieutenant was the Earl of Stamford, ^ ,. . , an incompetent man of large estate. The leading Condition of ^ . ^ . . * Leicester- spirit amongst the King's Commissioners was Henry Hastings, a younger son of the Earl of Huntington. In the greater part of the county the feeling was in favour of Parliament, but the Mayor of Leicester and some members of the Corporation sided with the King. On the i6th Hastings arrived at Leicester, hoping to get into his hands the county magazine of arms and munitions. ' Clarcndcn, v. 342. 2o6 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. To his disaj:pointment he found that it had been removed to Stamford's house at Broadgate. In the absence of Henry i i i Hastings at the sheriff he persuaded the under-sheriff to issue LcicGstcr. • warrants for the execution of commissions of array. He then went back to York, but returned on the 22nd, bring- insf with him a hundred armed miners from his col- June 22. . heries in Derbyshire, and as many other persons as he could persuade to follow him. He found that the county was against him. Scarcely a man of the trained bands would answer to his summons. When he entered Leicester he was confronted by Palmer, the high sheriff, who denounced his proceedings as illegal. An audacious messenger sent by Par- liament to arrest him attempted to carry out the orders which he had received. Hastings, however, was rescued by his friends, and ultimately left the town.' In Leicestershire the King's Commissioners were in what can hardly be described otherwise than as an enemy's country. In Northumberland Charles was in no such difficulty. On the 1 7th the Earl of Newcastle took possession of New- June 17. Newcastle castle for the King. Levying soldiers amongst his seized. ^^^.^ tenants and the trained bands of Northumber- land and Durham, he secured Tynemouth Castle and erected fortifications at Shields. Charles had at last a port where he might receive supplies from Holland.'^ His supporters were jubilant. The King, wrote one of them, was now ' the favourite of the kingdom.' His enemies would doubtless raise an army against him. It was all the better. They would do enough to entail on themselves the forfeiture of their estates, which would then be bestowed on the King's good servants.^ Such was the spirit which was rising alongside of the constitutionalisms of Culpepper and Hyde. At York all m.en were busy in preparing for that war which was now seen to be inevitable. If money and plate were pour- ing in at Westminster, the King's principal supporters entered no less zealously into an engagement to furnish him with 1,935 ' Nichols, History of Leicestershire, iii. A pp. 22. Z. J. v. 131, 142, 164. - Z. J. V. 170. - Wilmot to Crofts, June 22. Z. J. v. 169. 1 642 • A FRIEND IN NEED. 207 horse, and to pay them for three months.' Such offers would not, however, constitute an army. By separatin<^ from June 22. . . J J L o Engagement London and his Parhament, Charles had cut himself h^rse'^'for the off from those financial resources which were still left the King. jQ Y{\\\), by the law. When he left (Greenwich on his Northern journey, he had no more than 600/. in hand. That he had been able to maintain himself at all during the past months had been owing, not to the scanty resources of the public revenue, but to the munificence of a single Catholic peer. The Earl of The Earl of Worcester, the Lord of Raglan Castle, was possessed Worcester, ^f ^^ estate valued at 24,000/. a year, a rental equiva- lent to more than 100,000/. at the present day. As a Catholic he was exposed to especial risks in the impending conflict, and if he had been himself indisposed to assist his sovereign, he could hardly fail to be dragged away by the impetuous zeal of his eldest son. That son. Lord Herbert, far better known by his later titles J ord of Glamorgan and Worcester, was a man of genius. Herbert. pjg ^yj^Q divined the steam-engine a century before the days of Watt, now threw himself, with all the ardour of an enthusiast, into the cause of the King. Over him Charles exercised that wonderful charm which sprang from his gentle- ness and the consideration which he exercised towards those who accepted his sway. From time to time during the first weeks after the King had left Greenwich, Herbert supplied him with no less than 22,000/. from his own and SuppUes Charles with his father's resources. Then, when open resistance to mone>. ^^^ Parliament seemed, to a Royalist so decided as Herbert, the only honourable course — in all probability in the early part of June — the heir of Raglan was busy in gathering all the money that it was in his power to collect, and June 30. ' at last found his way to York, to pour no less than 95.500/ into the exhausted treasury of his astonished master, whilst 5,000/. more followed in July.^ Thus, and thus only, was Charles enabled to prepare for the field. In the end of June, the activity of the Royalists was more • Engagement, June 22, .S". P. Doni. 2 Dirck's Life of llie Marquis of IVorccstcr, 54, 330. 2o3 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. vigorous than ever. On the 30th Hastings was once more in Hastings Leicestershire, with an armed force and the notorious Ldcelter- Lunsford in his train. At Ashby-de-la-Zouch, he shire. announced his own appointment as High Sherifif of the county.^ "We must look to our safeties," said Pym, when the news reached Westminster. The feehng of the Parliament- House was that force must be met by force, and that b7sen°t?^' '° troops must be despatched to Leicestershire. " This," Feeling of '^vrote D'Ewes in his diary, "was a sad morning's D'Ewes. work. ... I, seeing all matters tending to speedy destruction and confusion, had no heart to take notes that afternoon." Again and again during the past month he had expressed in his written self-communings the horror with which he regarded the approaching war, and his distrust of the fieiy spirits, as he termed them, who were persuading the House to defy the King, and to lay down principles of government which he knew better than anyone else to be very different from those which had been accepted in earlier centuries. Yet it was not mere timidity which kept D'Ewes fixed at Westminster. If his 1 reverence for law and precedent drew him to the side of Charles, : his Puritanism fixed him reluctantly by the side of Pym, and ■ with him, as with so many of his contemporaries, the religious motive was the strongest. More startling news than that from Leicestershire awaited the Houses. Northumberland informed the Lords that he had Northum- bccn dismissed from his office of Lord High .\dmiral. dbn^ssed. An Ordinance was at once prepared, directing War- is Warwick wick to continue in charge of the fleet in the Downs, ton to"co'm-"- Charles, indeed, had made arrangements for confiding flL«1 '^^ it to Pennington. Letters had been despatched to the captains simultaneously with the order dismissing Northum- berland, directing them to obey Pennington and not Warwick. July 2. Pennington set out from York to assume the com- The fleet mand, and travelled hard till he was near the Downs. accepts Warwick. Then he hesitated and waited for further informa- tion. On the 2nd Warwick came on board the flag-ship, and ' C. J. iii. 6-16. D'Ewei's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 252 I1. 1 642 -A COMMITTEE OE SAFETY. 209 summoned the captains to accept him as their Admiral. Five only stood out, but their crews gave them no support, and before the day was over the fleet had placed itself at the disposal of Parliament.' As Pennington had failed rn the Downs, Hastings failed in Leicestershire. He wished to possess himself of the county Hastings' magazine at Broadgate, but the popular feeling was Leiceste"- ^"-"^ Strongly against him, and he was compelled to shire. Content himself with proclaiming as traitors those who detained it from the King.^ Charles's attempt to get possession of the fleet and of the magazine in Leicestershire was accepted at Westminster as a July 4 declaration of war. At the request of the Commons, Appoint- the Lords concurred in the appointment of a joint ment of a . , . ... , committee committce ' to take mto consideration whatsoever ^aet}. _^^^^^ concern the safety of the Kingdom, the defence of the Parliament, and the prevention of the peace of the Kingdom, and opposing any force that may be raised against the Parliament.' In this committee, composed of fifteen members, five lords, Northumberland, Essex, Pembroke, Holland, and Saye, were joined with ten commoners, of whom the most con- spicuous were Pym, Hampden, Fiennes, Holies, and Marten."* In this committee of safety Parliament had at last the rudiments of a Government. It was evident that its first occupation would be of ju]y- a military nature. On the 5th it was known that a small Ne\vs from vcsscl from Holland had brought to the Humber arms the Humber. ^ Impeach- ^"^ ammunition from the Queen.* The first thing to L^'dM ''^'^ be done was to secure Parliament from interruption near at hand. Lord Mayor Gurney, who had actually] An army to published the King's commission of array in the; be raided. C\\.y, was impeached, and by the 6th a vote had been agreed to by both Houses for raising, from London and the neighbourhood, a special army of 10,000 men for active service. ' L. y. V. 169, 1 78, 185. Cla7-endoti, v. 376. - D'I'Zwes's Diary, Narl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 255 b. ^ Z. y. V. 178. C. y. ii. 651. The other five were Sir W. Waller, Sir P. Stapleton, Sir J. Meyrick, Pierpoint, and Glyn. ' L. J. V. 1S2. VOL. X. P aio THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. The ordinance for organising the miHtia for the defence of each county was no longer deemed sufficient.' The spectre of civil war was visibly there before the eyes of all men. To the horror which its aspect created D'Ewes gave D'Ewes expression. " In respect of civil affairs," he said, " I accommoX- ^^''^ ^^ ^^^^ ^o ^^X ^^'^it the liberty and property of the »'°"- subject were never so clearly asserted to them as they are at present The main matter then which yet remains to be secured to us is the reformation of religion, and I desire that we may come to particulars in that. If a monarchy continue amongst us, there must of necessity remain a confidence from the subjects towards the Prince. For the town of Hull itself, I desire not that it should be delivered up to his Majesty, but that we might humbly supplicate his Majesty to appoint Sir John Hotham governor there, till other things were peaceably composed between his Majesty and us, and that he should not deliver it up but by his Majesty's command, signified to him by both Houses of Parliament." No wonder that cries of " Well moved I " were heard on every side. No wonder too that a proposal which commended . itself to the feelings of the House was rejected by its Reception ol _ . ^ ^ ■' the pro- intelligence. It needed but little acquaintance with human nature to know that the King would never accede either to a Puritan Reformation of religion, or to the appointment of Hotham to the command of Hull. No one cared to answer the benevolent antiquary, and the House quietly passed to the consideration of matters of more practical import- ance.^ On tlie 8th news came in of increasing Royalist activity in - , . the Western Midlands. Herefordshire had declared News of strongly agamst Parliament. In Worcestershire the istmove-^^ sheriff, backed by Lord Coventry, was prepared to ments. exccutc the commission of array. It was known on the following day that Lord Northampton had announced ' C. y. ii. 653, 654. 2 D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiii. fol. 259. I quote this speech in preference to Rudyerd's, which seems to have been deHvered soon after it, because D'Ewes goes more to the root of the matter. 1 642 ■ GEiYERALS APPOINTED. iii liis intention of pursuing the same course in Warwickshire. At York, the King had granted commissions for the ^ ^" raising of cavalry, and had himself taken up a position at Beverley at the head of a small force under the command of the Earl of Lindsey, whom he had appointed general of his Resolutions i^rmy.^ The Commons resolved that the army of of the Com- jo-ooo should at oncc bc levied. 2 On the nth the mons. ' y„iy „ Houses concurred in a declaration that the King had Declaration actually bcgun the war.^ On the 12th Essex was that the ^ ^ King has appointed to command the Parliamentary army, and w^^"" ^ each member of the two Houses was called on to July 12. declare his readiness to live and die with the new appohited general 'in this cause, for the safety of the King's general. person, the defence of both Houses of Parliament, and of those who have obeyed their orders and commands, and for the preservation of the true religion, laws, liberties, and peace of the Kingdom.''* Incongruous as these phrases sound now, they were doubtless a true expression of the feelings of those who then uttered them. This resolution was accompanied by a fresh petition to the King, imploring him to accommodate differences. Charles was Tune II "°^ likely to pay heed to such a petition now. He The King hopcd at last that the day had arrived when Hull dehveVof ^ would be in his hands. It was true that he had no ^""' more than 2,500 men with him at Beverley, and that no sane man could expect to capture a fortified town with so small a force. But it was not on force that Charles counted, j^. ^ ,^ Shortly before his advance to Beverley, Digby had intrigue with been with him bringing intelligence from the Oueen. Hotham. /^ t-\- ^ ■> thi- ■ On Digby s return the small vessel m which he sailed was captured and carried into Hull. He assumed the air and language of a Frenchman, and for a little time escaped notice. Knowing that he could not long preserve his disguise, he de- manded with rare audacity to be brought before the Governor. Throwing himself on Hotham's generosity, he revealed to him his name and purpose, and urged him to play a glorious part ' Z. 7. V. 192, 202. 2 C. 7. ii. 663. ' Z. 7. V. 201. •• Ibid. V. 208. p 2 212 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. in the restoration of peace to his country by surrendering Hull to the King. To all this Hotham listened. He was no Puritan, and he had been pushed on, without much consideration, into the posi- tion which he now occupied. Digby's offers of Royal Hotham favour touched him, and he consented to surrender surrender the pl.acc if the King would but attack it in person. ^""' Charles had taken him at his word, and his advance to Beverley had been the result of the expectations thus held out. As usual, however, Charles procrastinated and lost the opportunity. During the four days that he remained at Beverley, Hotham had time to meditate on the difficulties of the enter- prise to which he had hastily committed himself He told Digby that his own garrison would never allow him to give up , J ^ the fortress. Digby was allowed to escape, but the but changes gatcs of HuU remained closed to Charles.^ The ismin . King rode off to Newark and Lincoln after despatch- ing an angry summons to Parliament to give up the town. Hotham sat down to write a despatch, in which he took credit to himself for the discovery of a plot to betray Hull to the King.^ At Lincoln the King encouraged by his presence all who were inclined to resist the Militia Ordinance. He found much . , , support amongst the gentry of the country, who pro- The King miscd to comc to his aid with 400 horse. Money too, of which in spite of the liberality of Worcester and his son he was sorely in need, had been coming in at last. Money The University of Oxford sent him 10,000/., and the coming in. Cambridge University had spent 6,000/. in the Royal cause.^ On the i6th Charles was again at Beverley,* where he found Holland with a petition from the Houses for accommo- dation. No messenger could have been more ill-fitted for the task assigned to him. Amongst the Royalist party Holland was justly despised as well as detested, and it was well known in the North that the loss of Court favour had been the motive ' Ciarmilon, v. 432. - L. J. v. 209, 217. ^ Nicholas to Roe, July 20, S. P. Dovi. CalaJogue of moneys sub- scribed, Aue. 5 (669, fol. 6). * L. y. V. 22.1. 1 643 . UNAVAILING REGRETS. 213 which had driven him at last into opposition. He lay under the imputation of cowardice, as well as of vanity and greed. " I am in such a great rage with the Parliament as nothing will pacify me," wrote a lady in the North, on a false rumour that Holland had been appointed General of the Parliamentary forces, " for they promised as all should be well if my Lord Strafford's head were off, and since then there is nothing better. We hear strange news from London, which is that many have offered to keep horses for the Parliament to fight against their King, and that my Lord of Holland is general, which puts me in the most comfort that we shall have peace, for he hath had good fortune not to fight hitherto. I hope he will prove lucky still." The longing for peace was great indeed in every part of England. " Oh, that the sweet Parliament," the same lady had written in May, " would come with the olive- branch in its mouth, it would refresh and glad all our hearts here in the North. We are like so many frighted people. For my part if I hear but a door creak, I take it to be a drum, and am ready to run out of that little valour I have." In the South the desire for peace was no less, though the blame was thrown elsewhere. "The Queen," wrote Lady Sussex from Gorham- bury, " is pleased if she have so many favourites with her. I doubt we shall all fare the worse for it. So many heads to- gether will be busy in their plots against us. God's power is above all, who I hope in mercy will yet keep us from the miseries we may expect." • Holland, unfortunately, was not likely to reap benefit from the pacific sentiments of his countrymen. Under no circum- juiy 19. stances would Charles have been likely to return a The King's goft answer to his message, and he may have been answer to . the petition provoked by the sight of the messenger to impart for an ac- , . , , ■ , , commoda- a Sterner tone to his reply. 1 he terms which he "°"' demanded were the dismissal of the Parliamentary troops, the surrender of Hull and the fleet, the disavowal of any power to make laws without his consent, and the adjourn- ment of Parliament to some place outside London. When all ' Margaret Eure to Sir R. Verney, June 20 (?). Lady Sussex to Sir R. Verney, July 3 (?), Verney MSS. 214 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. ch. cv. this had been done he would discharge his own troops, and discuss all differences in a Parliamentary way.^ The time for such manifestoes was rapidly drawing to a close. Already, on the 15th, the first blood of the English July 15. Civil War had been shed at Manchester. As the biootfshedat towusmen were engaged in carrying the Militia Manchester. Ordinance into effect, Lord Strange, the heir of the Earl of Derby, a man of sustained loyalty and high courage, rode in amongst them at the head of a band of armed troopers. The townsmen were too weak to stand against his charge, and Richard Perceval, one of a number who were wounded in the struggle, died a few days afterwards of the injuries that he had received.^ Once more Charles tried the effect of his presence before Hull. This time the garrison sallied out, and the King's troops . , retreated before their assailants, not without loss. July 17. ' Charles's Charles then proceeded to Leicester, where he arrived on the 22nd. Town and county alike refused to ■^" ^ ^^' assist him, and his demand for the surrender of the county magazine was made in vain. He was forced to a com- promise, by which the arms were dispersed amongst July 24, . the inhabitants of the county, who were not likely to use them in his favour. Yet he was not without some gleams of hope. Though the freeholders were against him, some of the gentry took his side. Much to his delight, too, he secured the person of Bastwick, now a captain of the Leicester trained bands, and sent him off a prisoner to York.^ The actual number of troops at Charles's disposal was not ' Z. J. V. 235. 2 D'Ewes's Diar)', Had. MSS. clxiii. fol. 293 b (E. 108). A very true . . . relation of the . . . passages at Manchester, Rush-worth, \\. (i%o. This last is a very different account from that given by D'Ewes. In it all the blame is thrown on the townsmen. It is sometimes said that men were killed at Hull before this, but as the sally from Hull is mentioned in .Salvetti's letter of •;" ^ ^ , it, no doubt, took place later. Aug. 5' ' ' r ' Nichols, ///j-/. of Leicestershire, iii. App. 28. Truths from Leicester and Nottingham (669, fol. 6). Nicholas to Roe, July 27, S. P. Dom. L. y. v. 283. Forster to Chavigny, Aug. -, Arch, des Aff. Etr. .xlix. fol. 141. 1 643 , ARBITRARY GOVERNMENT. 215 great. Yet it was evident that in the North and West the bulk Preparations of the country gentlemen were disposed to rally to for war. j^jg causc, and the Parliamentary leaders felt that the time was come to provide against imminent danger. Already plate and money were being brought in large quan- tities. On July 30, Parliament resolved to borrow 100,000/., which had been set aside for the Irish war.' On Aug. 2. August 2, the Houses issued a declaration of their Parliament- rcasons for takin"; up arms. The strength of their ary reasons . . ° for taking casc lay in their retrospect of Charles's past govern- up arms. ... ' ° ment, and of his plots and mtrigues smce Parliament thechlrge had met. Its weakness lay in their answer to the me^nt^f'"'' chargc that they were themselves setting up an ar- an arbitrari- ^itrary government, and were interpreting the law at government, their pleasure. Instead of replying that the necessity which had thrown on them the burden of government was none of their creating, they met the accusation with a direct denial. No rational man, they urged, would believe it to be true, ' it being impossible so many several persons as the two Houses of Parliament consist of — and either House of equal power — should all of them, or at least the major part, agree in acts of will and tyranny which make up an arbitrary government, and most improbable that the nobility and gentry of this kingdom should conspire to take away the law, by which they enjoy their estates, are protected from any act of violence and power, and differenced from the meaner sort of people, with whom other- wise they would be but fellow-servants.' ^ It was a most inadequate defence. No unprejudiced person can go through the records of the Long Parliament without How far was noticiug couutlcss occasions on which the temper It successful? ^^(j prejudices of the Commons were cast into the balance of justice. A Puritan clergyman and Laudian clergy- man received very different measures at their hands. Aro-u- ments which would never have been listened to, if adduced against their own supporters, were accepted as unanswerable against a Royalist. It was not that the Long Parliament was especially arbitrary or tyrannical. It acted but as every laro-e ' Rushworth, iv. 778, = Z, J. v. 258. 2i6 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. body of men is certain to act, when it is called upon to fulfil judicial functions in political cases. Yet, after all, the Long Parliament, objectionable as many of its proceedings were, had fallen far short of the tyranny of the Star Chamber. It had deprived many clergymen of their benefices who were fitted to hold them, and had committed to prison many persons who had done no more than their duty according to their under- standing. But if cut off no ears, and it inflicted no scourgings. Its imprisonments were usually short. Bristol and the Attor- ney-General and the impeached bishops had been set at large again after a few days, or at most weeks, of confinement. The remedy for the evil lay not in the substitution of an irrespon- sible King for an irresponsible Parliament, but parUy in the establishment of that responsible ministry which Pym had sketched out ; partly, too, in securing that responsibility of Parliament to the nation, through perfect freedom of speech and writing, which Pym did not think of proposing, and which amidst the clash of opposing forces he could hardly, even if he had thought of it, have ventured to propose. In the beginning of x-Vugust bad news poured in from all sides to Westminster. Goring had discovered that he had no Goring place in Puritan society, and sought reconciHation mouTh^fo"^' '^^'^'^^"^ '^^^ King, whom he had betrayed in 1641, by the King. betraying Parliament in 1642. He now held the Northamp- important fortress of Portsmouth for the King. In Warwick- Warwickshire the Earl of Northampton was strons: * "^^' enough to stop some guns sent by Parliament to Lord Brooke for the defence of Warwick Castle. Hertford, ap- Aug. 3. pointed by the King to command in the West, had ^omersa-"^ P^*^ himsclf at the head of a force raised by some shire. q{ jj^g gentry of Somerset. The Royalists were in high spirits. They reported that the Parliamentary army was weaker than it appeared, and that when it came to fighting many of the newly levied soldiers would desert rather than stand up against the King. Better news reached Westminster ere long. In Shrewsbury the Parliamentary party had gained the upper hand. In Somerset the yeomen and manufacturers bore no good-will 1642 TAKING SIDES. 217 towards the gentry. Under the guidance of the Puritan gentle- men of the county, they mustered in such numbers as to make Hertford's position at ^Vells hopeless, though he was allowed to withdraw unmolested to Sherborne, where he took up his quarters with about 900 men.' On August 9 the King proclaimed Essex and his officers traitors, though he offered a free pardon to all who should Aug. 9. within six days throw down their arms. The Com- mons^'^ar ^^^ons retaliated by calling lipon every one of their to live and members to swear that they would live and die with die with .' Essex. Essex. On the 12th the Lords pronounced sentence on Gurney, directing him to be imprisoned during the pleasure of the House, and depriving him of the mayoralty which had enabled him to do good service for the King. The Royalist Recorder, Sir Thomas Gardiner, had been already impeached. Civil war was thus virtually begun. One unlucky member, when called on to take the oath to live and die with Essex, asked for a little time to consider his answer. He was told that it must be given at once. Plucking up courage, he re- fused to give the promise, but was so soundly rated by the Aug. is. Speaker, that he offered in his fright to answer with ai^SMe" ^" -'^y^- ^^ w^s told that his Aye would not be Kingde- accepted now. ^^'arned by the example, the few traitors. Royalist members who were still left in the House gave the promise required.^ On the i8th a declaration was issued by the Houses denouncing as traitors all who gave assistance to the King.^ Every effort was made on the part of the Parliamentary leaders to carry on the war with energy. Directions the Pariia- had already been given to lay siege to Goring in mentanans. pQi-^gj^^Quth^ ^rid to Hertford in Sherborne. Brooke had established himself in Warwick Castle, and had beaten off ■ Z. J: V. 278. D'Ewes's Diary, Harl. MSS. clxiv. fol. 159. Claren- don, vi. 3. Giustinian to the Doge, t— t"-;. Aug. ^-, Venice Transcripts, R. O. A broadside gives the numbers of the men who appeared against Hertford as 15,000. A. Prowse to , Aug. 8 (669, fol. 6). - Rnsh-vorch, iv. 780. D'Ewes's Diarj-, Harl. MSS. clxiv. fol. 261 b. ^ Z. 7. V. 303. 2i8 THE EVE OF THE CIVIL WAR. CH. cv. Northampton. Hampden caught Lord Berkshire as he was preparing to execute the commission of array in Oxfordshire. Berkshire protested his innocence, and assured Hampden that he had done nothing. Hampden repHed that he had been sent to prevent him from doing anything, and despatched him a prisoner to London. Cromwell did even better service by seizing the college plate as it was being sent away from Cam- bridge to enrich the royal army-chest.' That the King must take the tield had been for some time resolved at York. The Royal Standard must be set up as the Aug. 12. sign that all loyal subjects were to rally round their ^andardfo ^^"8 ''"^ ^is march against the traitors ; but Charles's be set up. nicans were scanty, and as yet his troops were few. There was much discussion what place should be chosen for the display. Lord Strange begged the King to take refuge in Lancashire. In that county, he said, his tenants and allies would soon enable him to support his master with a force of 10,000 men.^ Others suggested York. The King's sanguine temperament gave the preference to Nottingham, though he had received but a cold reception in that town on two previous visits. He wished to open the campaign as near to London as possible, and he still hoped to hear that Hertford had made himself master of the western counties, and had been able to hold out a helping hand to Goring. On the 12th he issued a proclamation inviting his loyal subjects to rally round the Standard, which was to be set up on the 22nd at Nottingham.^ Charles was still unable to divest himself of the belief that his mere presence would turn all hearts towards him. On the Aug. 20. 20th he appeared before the walls of Coventry and Charles " demanded admission. He was told that he might summons '^ Coventry. come in alone if he chose, but that he must not bring his soldiers with him. While he was attempting to force an en- trance a sally from the town drove off his men, and some of his ' Mountefort to Potts, Aug. Crane to Potts, Aug. 19 (incorrectly catalogued as Aug. 9). Taimcr Jl/SS. Ixiii. fol. 116, 125. L. J. v. 307. - Mc7iwirs of the House of Stanley, 72. ' Clareiidon, v. 444. Proclamation, Aug. 12. Bailey's Atiiials of Nottinghamshire, App. vii. i642 THE RAISING OF THE STANDARD. 219 followers were killed.' On the morning of the 22nd, leaving his trooj)s behind him, he rode off for Nottingham, ug. 22. -^yj^gj^ i^g reached Nottingham in the afternoon, the Standard was borne out from the Castle. It had been entrusted to the charge of the Knight-Marshal, Sir Edmund Verney.''^ With the King were the Prince of Wales, the Duke of York, and the fiery Rupert, who, with his brother, had lately landed in England, to devote himself heart and soul to his uncle's service. Even at this solemn moment Charles gave signs of that infirmity of purpose which weighed so heavily upon him. The Standard had been fixed in the ground, and the herald at ' Giustinian to the Doge, Aug. 26, Venice TranscHpts, R. 0. • "The King," writes Verney's niece on the 23rd of her uncle, " halh given him the Standard." Dorothy Leeke to Sir R. Verney, Aug, 23, Verney MSS. This, and the letter from a gentleman printed by Bailey, 663, settles the question of the date of the erection of the Standard, Bailey — whose copy contains a serious misprint of " I came on Wednesday night last to Nottingham," instead of " I came on Wednesday night last from the Court at Nottingham," as it stands in the original (669) — with some reason conjectures the author to have been John Hutchinson, At all events he vi^as an eye-witness. Rush worth's description is copied from a pamphlet of the time, A tn(c and exa't relation of the inantier of His JMajestys setting up of the Standard at Nottingham, on Wednesday, theiznd of August. So at least the title stands in Bailey's reprint (665). Wednes- day is no doubt a misprint, as the pamphlet itself states Monday, the 22nd, to have been the day. The curious thing is that the description of the Standard is entirely different in the pamphlet and in the letter. The only way of reconciling the two accounts is to suppose that the narrative in the pamphlet was made up in London from various sources of local informa- tion. The Standard which Verney carried at Edgehill must have been a different one from that which required twenty supporters, and the inform- ant of the author of the pamphlet perhaps described this smaller banner. Clarendon's story of the Standard being blown down in the night after it was set up has been, of late, rejected as inconsistent with the narrative in Rushworth. After all, however, it appears to have been true, though Clarendon antedated the story for the sake of effect. In Special Passages (E. 115, 21) we are told that ' the Standard was this week blown down at Nottingham, and a flag set up. ' Thomason's date for this pamphlet is Sept, 6 ; so that the Standard must have been up for more than a week before it was blown down. 220 THE EVE OF THE CIJTL WAR. CH. cv. arms was about to read a proclamation denouncing Essex as a The King traitor. A flourish of trumpets was to prelude this corrects his announcement. Before a note was sounded, Charles proclama- ' tion. -y^-as Struck with a suspicion that the wording of the ])roclamation might be in some respects defective. Calling for the paper, he corrected its phraseology.' The herald to whom it was returned had some difficulty in picking out the words so hastily inserted. When he had struggled hesitatingly to the end, those who stood around threw their hats into the air, shouting loudly, " God save King Charles and hang up the Roundheads," in a tempest of loyal emotion. The Civil War, which had been practically begun when Hotham shut the gates of Hull against the King, was now openly avowed. England was about to learn through suffering that wisdom which was to be found in neither of the opposing ranks. ' Readers of the despatches amongst the Foreign State Pajjers will be familiar with Charles's numerous verbal corrections, showing his sensitive- ness in point of style. APPENDIX. Financial Tables. It is, I fear, altogether impossible to obtain a complete account of the revenue due, and the expenditure incurred in each year. The amounts of revenue received and of payments actually made can easily be calculated ; but the)' would serve no useful purpose, as a great part of them would consist in the former case of anticipated revenue of future years, and in the latter case of arrears due in former years. I am, however, able to give an analysis of the esti- mated revenue and expenditure for several years, which will give at least an idea of the financial situation. Besides the expenditure thus given there was always an extraordinary expenditure going on. Something, too, must be allowed for the variety of opinion in the estimators. Of the considerable increase shown in the year 1635, for instance, no less than 50,000/. is a mere matter of account, 20,000/. for interest being inserted, which had been taken as extraondinary expenditure in former years, and 30,330/. in the Cofferers' Account being balanced by the composition for purveyance entered for the first time as revenue, and not appearing before. A consider- able number of the heads, as given in the MSS., have been put together in Tables, to make comparison easy. APPENDIX. I. Compai'citive vie7u of tJie estimated ordijiary Revenue of tJie Crowfi. 161O.I 1614.2 1619.-' 1623.* 1635-^ £ £ £ £ £ i Customs and Impositions . 247,810 242,788 284,900 323,042 328,126 1 Land and Feudal Revenue . 144.154 130.474 157.744 170,608 192,340 Tenths and first-fruits of Clergy .... 16,000 16,000 18,072 18,137 19.359 Star Chamber fines 1,000 1,400 1,400 3.964 Recusancy fines . 9,000 6, coo 6,300 5,000 13,408 Miscellaneous 44.5'^! 25.634 19,568 21,716 30.852 Composition for purveyance ... ... ... ... 30.330 461,525 421,896 487,984 539.903 618,379 N 2. Coinparative vieiu of the estimated ordinary Expenditure of the Croivn. leio.*" 1614." 1619 8 1623.9 1635.'^' £ £ £ £ £ Personal and Court 186,756 179.540 140,799 154.929 214,159 Queen .... 14.223 24,500 ... ... 32,594 1 Royal Familv 32,250 26,000 53.117 56,427 15.833 Queen of Bohemia and Family .... ... ... 19.150 Navy 40, 000 50,000 29,268 29.703 41.570 Forts, ordnance, and gun- 1 powder .... 21,033 14,960 23.740 23.655 20,537 , Ireland .... 52.584 46, 000 20,000 20,000 ... Garrisons in the Low Coun- tries ..... 25.015 25,016 ... ... ... Judicial expenses and prisons 15.056 20,144 13.095 9.697 9,176 Ambassadors 7,200 12,000 12,000 15.333 20,200 Fees and annuities 94,192 104,860 103,213 116,527 178,038 Miscellaneous 29,238 19,920 47,128 63,870 65.279 1 Interest of money ... ... ... ... 20, coo I 517.547 522,940 442, 360 490,141 636,536 ' See Lansd. MSS. clxiv. fol. 505. => See S. P. Dom. James I. ex. 35. '" See S. P. Dom. Charles I. cccxiv. 84. « See LansJ. MSS. clxiv. fol. 507. 8 See S. P. Dom. fajiics I. ex. 35. '0 See S. P. Dom. Charles I. cccxiv. 84. " Ihid. clxix. fol. 135. ^ Ibid, clviii. 59. ' Ibid, clxix. fol. 135. ° J bid. elviii. 59. APPEXDIX. 223 The King's Debts, July 30, 1635. _ £ Anticipations ...... 370,000 .Surplusages of accounts .... 100,000 Jewels in jjawn ..... 40,000 Navy 48,000 Wardrolje 83,655 Several persons 160,000 Ambassadors ..... 32,000 Captains of castles and garrisons 22,000 Household ..... 50,000 Posts . 34,000 Ordnance 17,543 Robes ....... 8,500 Captain Mason for colonels and captains 8,500 Arrears for fees, &c. .... . 199,000 ^1,173,198' 4. Exfraordinary Payments from the accession of Charles I. to Easter, 1635. £. Year ending Easter, 1626 . 364,426 1627 469,391 1628 . 585,448 1629 407,006 1630 . 301,067 1631 217,356 1632 . 198,296 1633 114,663 1634 . . 123,503 163s 66,441 :2, 847, 597 ' In the MS. this is wrongly added up 1,163,655/. A debt owed to the Earl of Holland (fol. 34), for which he claimed 17,192/., is not included, as being under dispute. '24 APPENDIX. 11. Cases of Ministers sitspended or deprived by ilie Court of HigJi Commission, February i8, 1634, to May 19, 1636. It has been so- often said that the High Commission deprived ministers in large numbers, that I have thought it worth while to draw up a list of all cases of deprivation or suspension during the period of two years and three months, for which the Act Books have been preserved {State Papers Domestic, cclxi., cccxxiii.). It should be remembered that these years begin very shortly after Laud's accession to the archbishopric, and they are therefore exactly the years in which the action of the Court would be likely to be most vigorous. The names in capitals are those of persons in respect of whom the sentence was wholly remitted. Those in italics are those of persons who subsequently, before May 19, 1636, received permission to continue the exercise of their ministry any- where but in the cure held by them at the time of their deprivation or suspension. I. Deposed from the Ministry. 1634. Mar. 3. Reginald Carew, for attempt to commit a rape. June 26. Theophilus Brabourne, for promulgating the opinion that Saturday should be observed as the Sabbath. 2. Deprived of Benefice and suspended from the Ministry. 1634. Oct. 9. Anthony Lapthornc, for omitting large parts of the ser- vice, and reviling his paiishioners and the neighbour- ing clergy. Tufie 4. Richard Murray, for acting as warden of a collegiate church without taking the prescribed oath, and for dilapidating the property entrusted to his charge. Nov. 20. Edmund Lyneold,' for refusal to conform. 1635. Nov. 2. ^Vt7^/zt7/ Z'ww/ww, for personal abuse of his parishioners. ' He was at first deprived of his benefice, but the sentence v.-as changed to suspension on his expression of readiness to confer with his bishop. The result must have appeared in the succeeding volume, wliich has been lo.t. APPENDIX. 225 3- Suspended from the exercise of the Ministry. 1634. Nov, 4. John How, for praying that t'^e Prince ' might not be brought up in Popery, whereof there is great cause to fenr.' Francis Abbott, making a disturbance in church, and reviling his parishioners and the neighbouring clergy. 1635. Feb. 5. George Burdett, for preaching against the ceremonies, and refusing to bend the knee at the name of Jesus, &c. Edward Prowse, for obtaining a presentation on false pretences. John Workman, for preaching against dancing, declaring it to be idolatrous to possess a picture of the Saviour, &c. William Frost, for drunkenness. Samuel Ward, for attacks on the ceremonies and dis- cipline of the Church. Charles Chauncey, for agitating against the removal of the communion-table in a parish not his own. Nov. 6. Feb. 5- Feb. 19. Apr. 25- Nov. 12, Nov. 26. Nov. 26. VOL, X. Q 227 INDEX. ABB AunEviLLE, Buckingham at, v. 332 Abbot, George {Bishop of Llclifield and Coventry, 1609 ; 0/ London, 1610 ; Arch- bis)LOp of Canterbury, 161 1); appointed Archbishop, ii. i2n : supports the High Commission against Coke, 122 ; opposes Laud at Oxford, 124 ; writes to Elles- mere on Legate's case, 129 ; betroths the Princess EHzabeth to the Elector Palatine, 160 ; is dissatisfied with the case of Lady Essex, 170; writes to the King against the Essex divorce, 171 ; popularity of, in consequence of his re- sistance, 174 ; refuses to appear at Somerset's marriage, 211 ; obtains an order for the arrest of Luisa de Carva- jal, 222 ; urges the Queen to take the part of Villiers, 322 ; appointed a com- missioner to examine Raleigh, iii. 141 ; becomes a Commissioner of the 'J rea- sury, iSq ; opposes the reading of the Declaration of Sports, 251; is present at Queen Anne's deathbed, 293 ; writes to Naunton in defence of intervention in Bohemia, 314 ; urges James to defend the Palatinate, 339 ; asks the clergy to contribute to the defence of the Pala- tinate, 340 : wishes Yelverton to be heard before he is condemned, iv. 115 ; kills a keeper accidentally, 139 ; is par- doned, 140; receives De Dominis in his house, 284 : asks questions in the Coun- cil about the Spanish marriage treaty, v. 67 ; letter against the Spanish treaty forged in the name of, 71 ; disavows the letter, 72 ; presents an address to the King from the two Houses, 196 ; is asked by the Commons to consider the complaint made against Montague's Ne'M Gag for an Old Gcose, 353; re- monstrates with Montague, 354 ; is dis- satisfied with Buckingham, 418 ; asks the Commons to agree to the military and naval proposals of the Government, vi. 68 ; is required to circulate Charles's letter asking for prayers for the King of Denmark, 143 ; refuses to license Sib- thorpe's sermon, 2t 6 : is ordered into confinement and deprived of his jurisdic- tion, 207 ; b restored to his seat in ABO Parliament at the instance of the Lords, 231 ; opposes the King's claim to im- prison without showing cause, 258 ; persuades the Lords not to reject the Commons' resolutions, 259 ; says that he has heard that an Act of Parliament cannot destroy the Prerogative, 281 ; sug- gests a conference with the Commons on the Petition of Right, 287 ; advises the Lords to accept the Petition of Right, but to declare in favour of the King's just prerogative, 289 ; is restored to favour, vii. 23 ; consecrates a chapel at Dulwich, 243 ; takes part in the consecration of St. James's, Aldgate, 244 ; orders Page to abstain from writing against Prynne, 247 ; is a constant attendant in the Court of High Commission, 251 ; inveighs against a party of Separatists brought before the High Commission, 253 ; deatn of, 299 : last report of, 300 Abbott, Francis, makes a disturbance in a church, viii. 112 Abell, Alderman, makes a bargain with the King on behalf of the Vintners' Com- pany, viii. 286 Aberdeen, a Dunkirk privateer takes re- fuge in, v. 79 ; Montrose sent against, viii. 358 ; attempt to enforce the signa- ture of the Covenant in, 360 ; signature of the King's Covenant in, 365 ; Hamilton directed to join Huntly at, ix. i ; arrival of Montrose and Leslie at, 3 ; interview between Huntly and Montrose at, 4 ; capture of Huntly at, 5 ; the Gordons driven out from, by the Earl Marischal, 21 ; occupied and spared by Montrose, ib. ; is again spared 'by Montrose, 41 ; signature of the Covenant enforced by the Earl Marischal in, 148 ; brought to submission by .Monro, 165 Aberdeen doctors, the, opinions of, viii. 358 ; fly from Montrose, ix. 3 Abington, Thomas, attempt to induce him to join the Gunpowder Plotters, i. 260 ; pardon of, 283 Aboyne, Viscount, 1636 (James Gordon), escapes from Montrose, ix. 5 ; is sent by Charles to join Hamilton, 15 ; arrives at Aberdeen, 2 1 ; his proceedings at Aber- Q 2 INDEX. ACT deen, 37 ; is defeated at the Bridge of Dee, 41 ; is chased through the streets of Edinburgh, 45 Act of Revocation, the Scottish, vii. 277 Adamites, sect of, x. 29 Additional Instruction, the, moved by Pym, x. 55 ; amended, 56 ; revolutionary character of, 57 ; justification of, 58 ; the Lords postpone the debate on, 70 Adkins, Alderman, imprisonment of, ix. 130; liberation of, 135 Admiralty Cou-t, the,' proceedings against the East India Company in, v. 23S ; French prizes sent to London to be ad- judicated on by, vi. 41 ; gives order for the release of the ' St. Peter,' 45 Aerssens, Francis {Lord ofSo)i!iiichd:jk\ presses Richelieu to undertake the siege of Dunkirk, vii. 367 : is sent to England to explain the attack of Tromp on Oquendo's fleet, ix. 89 Ainsworth, Henry, is a Separatist minister in Amsterdam, iv. 145 Airlie, Earl of, 1639 (James Ogilvy), burn- ing of the house of, ix. 167 Alablaster, Dr., preaches a Spital sermon, vii. 55 Albert, the Archduke, receives with the Infanta Isabella the sovereignty of the Netherlands, i. 104 ; refuses to give up Owen and Baldwin to James, 344 ; agrees to a cessation of arms in the Nether- lands, ii. 21 ; attempt of Spain to pro- cure the election as Emperor of, ii. 163 ; sends Spinola to invade Cleves and Ju- liers, 263 ; does not satisfy the Dutch by his mode of carrying out the treaty of Xanten, 308 ; receives Doncaster coolly at Brussels, iii. 301 : urges the King of Spain to invade the Palatinate, 32S ; replies to James's question about the movements of Spinola's army, 351 ; criticises the English proposal for the partition of the Netherlands, 361 : in- forms James that the destination of Spinola is not decided on, 366 ; pro- mises to give his good word for the restoration of Frederick, iv. 189 ; orders Spinola to support Maximilian, 208 ; death of, ib. Aldobrandino, Cardinal, introduces Lind- say to the Pope, i. 224 Alehouses, the patent for, issued, iv. 4 ; inquiry into, 42 ; condemnation of, iio^ Alexander, Sir William, clai.-ns lands in Canada, vii. 155 Alford, Edward, applauds Coke's attack on the monopolies, iv. 41 ; approves of James's proposed tribunal for trying Bacon's case, 60 ; asks for freedom of speech, 233 ; moves for a committee on the course of business, v. 341 ; declares that the King's servants are not free from Parliamentary inquiry, 40; de- clares that the Commons in 1624 had not engaged to attempt the recovery of the Palatinate, 412 ; is made sheriflf to Dre- vent his appearance in Pariiam^at, vi. ANA 33 : IS dismissed from the justiceship 01 the peace, 126 ; asks what the subject will benefit by the confirmation of the statutes without explanation, 272 ; gives an explanation of sovereign power, 280 Algiers, piracy at, iii. 64 ; proposed expe- dition against, 69 ; coolness of the Spa- niards towards the proposed expedition to, 106 ; money levied to fit out a fleet against, 2S8 ; abandonment of the idea of sending an expedition to, 301 ; the Spa- nish Government agrees to join James in an attack on, 322 ; a fleet got ready for an attack on, 374 ; sailing of Mansell's fleet against, 375 ; is attacked by Man- sell's fleet, iv. 224 Aliaga, Luis de, carries on with Digby the negotiations for the Infanta's mar- riage, iii. 102 ; joins Uzeda in over- throwing Lerma, 278 ; opposes the in- vasion of the Palatinate, 329 Alington, Sir Giles, is punished by the High Commission foriiiarrying his niece, vii. 251 Allegiance, the o^th of, drawn up by Par- liament, i. 288 ; difference of opinion amongst the Catholics on the lawfulness of taking, ii. 16; Charles hopes to induce the Pope to allow Catholics to take, viii. 133 ; suggestion that Catholic peers need not take, ix. 88 Alleyne, Captain, looks out for French ships building in Holland, vi. 187 Alleyne, Edward, founds Dulwich College, vii. 243 Almond, Lord, 1633 (James Livingstone), signs the Bond of Cumbernauld, and is appointed second in command over the Scottish army, ix. 1S2 ; is named by the King as Treasurer of Scotland, x. 21 ; is asked to withdraw his claim, 22 ; his part in the Incident, 24 Alsace, arrival of Frederick and Maiisfeld in, iv. 319 ; ravages of Mansfeld in, 338 : the French occupy posts in, 347 ; the Duke of Feria occupies the south of, 348 ; importance of the possession of, /('. Akar, opinion of .\ndrevvcs on the use of the term, vii. 16 Alzei, capitulates to Spinola, iii. 369 Amboyna, the massacre of, sufferings of the English merchants by, v. 242 ; orders given to take reprisals for, 277 ; the Dutch express their willingness to bring to trial the perpetrators of, 324 ; Dutch East Indiamen seized in reprisal for, vi. 188 ; promise of the Dutch to investigate the truth about, 342 .\mbrose, Dr., attempts to read the English service at Hamburg, vii. 314 Ames writes the Fresh suit against human ceremonies, vii. 315 Amsterdam, Separatist congregation at, iv. 145 ; the Queen sells or pawns jewels at, X. 201 Anabaptists, inaliility of the Church courts of Canterbury to suppress, ix. Si ; burial of one of their number, ib. INDEX. 229 ANC Ancre, Marshal of (Concino Conclni), murder of, iii. 109 Anderson, Chief Justice, is quoted by Heath in the five knights' case, vi. 215 ; Shilton's quotation from the reports of, 243 ; production of a report written by his own hand, 244 Anderson, Sir Henrj', violent conduct of, viii. 78 Andover, Lord (Thomas Howard), is sent to England with the news that the m.ir- riage treaty between Charles and the Inlanta is agreed on, v. ^3 Andrewes, I.auiicelot {Bishop of Chichester 1605, of Ely 1609, of IViuiIiesier i6ig), character of, ii. 120 ; votes for the Essex divorce, 173 ; urges Weston to confess, 340 ; resemblance between his style and that of The Peacemal^er, 183 ; becomes a Commissioner of the Treasury, 189 ; contrasted with Laud, iii. 244 ; preaches at the opening of James's third Parlia- ment, iv. 25 ; gives an opinion of the religion of De Dominis, 28S ; reports in favour of Montague's book, vi. 64 ; his opinion on the sacrifice in the Eucharist, vii. i6 ; consecrates a chapel near boulh- ampton, 243 Andrews, George, Dean of Limerirk, penal promotion of, to the Bishopric of Leighlin and Ferns, viii 53 Anglesea, Countess of, informs the Duchess of Buckingham of her husband's murder, 350 Angoulcme, Duke of, establishes himself near Rochelle, vi. 175 ; demands the surrender of Rochelle, 177 Anne of Austria, Queen of France, receives Buckingham's addresses, v. 332 ; at- tempts to ruin Richelieu, vii. 184 ; writes to Henrietta Maria on behalf of Lady Purbeck, viii. 146. 6'i'f Anne, the Infanta Anne of Denmark (Queen Consort of Eng- land), refuses to receive the communion at her coronation, i. 116; is secretly a Catholic, and receives presents from the Pope, 142 ; wishes for a Spanish mar- riage for her son, 220 ; sympathises with Raleigh, ii. 49 ; dislikes her daughter's marriage with the Elector Palatine, i6i ; is accustomed to hear mass, 225 ; urges the King to appoint Villiers Gentleman of the Bedchamber, 323 ; begs James not to insist on pardoning Somerset, 330 ; illness and death of, iii. 293 ; verses written by her husband on, 295 Anne, the Infanta, proposed marriage of, with Prince Henry, i. 220, 343 ; ii. 23, 138; is engaged to Louis XIII., 139. See Anne of Austria Annesley, Lieutenant, insults Wentworth, viii. 1S6 Annesley, Mr., drops a stool on Went- worth's foot, viii. 1S6 Annesley, Sir Francis, takes part against Falkland, viii. 20 ; is appointed a mem- ber of the committee of investigation APS into the case of the Byrnes, 23. See Mountnorris, Lord Annual Parliaments Bill, brought in by Strode, ix. 253; turned into a I'riennial Bill, 282 Anspach, Margrave of, commands the troops of the Union, iii. 368 .Anstruther, Sir Robert, sent to Denmark to borrow money for Frederick, iii. 334 ; is sent back to Denmark for another loan, 386 ; obtains a loan from Denmark, iv. 180; is sent to the Prmces of North Germany and the King of Denmark, v. 174, 247 : negotiates with Christian IV., 291 ; wins over some of the North Ger- man princes, 2.13 ; reports the terms pro- posed by Christian IV., 299 ; raises a little money for the garrison of Stade, vi. 290 ; is told to inform the King of Den- mark that Charles's aid is postponed, 372 ; language used by Chrisiian IV. to, vii. loi ; is sent to Ratisbon to negotiate with the Emperor, 173 ; is sent to V ienna, 178 ; attempts in vain to obtain the le- vocation of the Edict of Restitution, 181 ; obtains from Quiroga a knowledge of the Spanish demands, 187 ; is recalled to England, 205 ; is sent to offer aid to Oxenstjerna, 215 ; receives communica- tions from the princes at Heilbronn, 342 ; is sent to urge the League of Heilbronn to make peace, 354 ; receives a rebuff from Oxenstjerna, 374 Anti-Calvinist reaction, the, character of, V. 356 _ Antinomianism, action of the High Com- mission against, vii. 252 Antrim, resistance to the maintenance of soldiers in, viii. 15 Antrim, Earl of, 1636 (Randal MacDonell), proposal that he may bring an Irish force against the Scottish Covenanters, viii. 344 : his capacity as a leader criticised by Wentworth, 353 ; Wentworth reports adversely ot the military qualities of, ix. 8 ; is instructed to join Ormond in seizing Dublin Castle, x. 7 Antwerp, the Truce of, signature of, ii. 29 ; expiration of, iv. 186 Afologeticus, written by Bastwick, viii. 227 Appello C^sarem, written by Montague, v. 354 ; is called in by proclamation, vii. ^3 Apprentices, the London, attack on Lam- beth Palace by, ix. 133 ; appear at Westminster to protest against the King's journey to Scotland, 416 ; attack Praise-God Barebone, x. 105 ; insult the bishops in Palace Yard, and are driven by Lunsford out of Westminster Hall, 117; are left in the City when the five members return to Westminster, 149 Apsley, Sir Allen, shares in victualling the fleet for the expedition to Cadiz, vi. 23 : remonstrates with Buckingham on the release of the ' St. Peter," 46 ; is probably the suggester of the forced loan, 143 MO INDEX. ARC does not produce the imprisoned mem- bers in the King's Bench, vii. 95 Archer, John, torture and execution of, ix. 141 Aremberg, Count of, intercourse of, with Cobham, i., 117 ; asks James to mediate between Spain and the Dutch, 206 ; takes part in the conferences for a peace be- tween England and Spain, 208 Argall, Samuel, his abduction of Pocohon- tas, iii. 157 ; tyranny of, as Governor of Virginia, 159 ; sec Argall, Sir Samuel Argall, Sir Samuel, captures French and Dutch vessels, vi. 12 ; advises Cecil to land at St. Mary Port, 15 ; reports that an attack on the ships in Cadiz harbour is impracticable, 20 Argyle, 7th Earl of, 1584-1638 (Archibald Campbell), takes service in the army of the King of Spain, vi. 72 ; position of, in Scotland, viii. 358 Argyle, 8th Earl of, 1638 (Archibald Camp- bell), character and position of, viii. 372 ; keeps his seat in the Assembly of Glas- gow when it is dissolved by Hamilton, 373 ; defends the proceedings of the Scots in a letter to Laud, 391 ; excuses himself from visiting Charles at Berwick, i.x. 46 ; political revolution effected in Scotland by, 53 ; is entrusted with the defence of the Western Highlands, 148 ; advocates the holding of a session of Parliament in defiance of the King's order for a prorogation, 150; makes a raid against the Earls of Athol and Airlie, 166 ; imprisons Athol and burns Airlie House, 167 ; ravages the Highlands, 168 ; proposed appointment of, as a dictator, 181 ; charge brought by Montrose against, 396 ; attempt made by Hamilton to win over to the King, 405 ; the execution of Stewart of Ladywell establishes his authority in Scotland, 411 ; demands that no offices shall be filled without Parlia- mentary consent, x. 19 ; attacks the King's choice of Morton as Treasurer, zo ; causes of the influence of, 21 ; pro- ject formed for arresting, 23 ; takes flight from Edinburgh, 25 ; consolidation of the power of, 80 ; becomes Marquis of Argyle, 80 ; see Lome. Lord ; Argyle, Marquis of Argyle, Marquis of, 1642 (Archibald Camp- bell), prevents the Scottish Council from declaring in favour of Charles, x. 194 Ariosto's ' Orlando Furioso,' i. 41 Armada, the Spanish, defeat of, i. 16 Armagh, Chichester's settlement of, i. 386; is taken by Phelim O'Neill, x. 92 Arminianism, rise of, in the Netherlands iii. 258 ; is proscribed by the Synod of Dort, 260 ; spread of, in England, iv. 347 ; complaint of the Commons that favour IS shown to, vi. 316 ; Prynne wishes to silence the preachers of, vii. 14 ; Mon- tague disclaims any wish to uphold, 23 ; Rouse's description of, 35 ; resolution of the Commons against, 41 ; resolution ARM voted by the Commons against, 75 ; favour shown by Frederick Henry to, viii. 165 Armstrong, Archie, is discharged from the King's Service for railing at Laud, viii. 335 Army Plot, the first, formation of, ix. 308 ; is betrayed to the Parliamentary leaders, 317 ; is urged on by the Qu^en, 324 ; Pym reveals his knowledge of, 357 ; a committee formed to investigate, 358 ; evidence taken on, 374 ; report of the committee on, 384 Army Plot, the second, Charles engages in, ix. 398 ; failure of, 400 ; Chudleigh's e.xamination on, x. 2 ; e.xaminations con- cerning, read in the Commons, 42 ; further evidence about, 73 ; the Commons ex- press their belief in its existence, 74 Army, the English, in the first Bishops' War, proposed numbers of, viii. 3S4 ; condition of, ix. 10 ; reinforcements ordered for, 17 ; encamps near Berwick, 22 ; actual numbers of, 24 Army, the English, in the second Bishops' War, resolution taken to levy men for, ix. 84 ; that law exercised in, 152 ; condition of, 157 ; distrust of Catholic officers in, 159 ; disorderly conduct of, /^. ; desertions from, i6o ; Astley's report of the con- dition of, 164 ; attack on Catholic officers in, 172 ; communion-rails pulled down by soldiers of, 176 ; weakness of, 185 ; trained bands and tenants by knights' service ordered to reinforce, 188 ; is divided into two parts, 192 : rout of part of, at New- burn, 194 ; Strafford's complaint of the bad condition of, 195 ; reunion of, 197 ; Vane reports an improvement in the state of, 201 ; is reviewed by the King, Z03 ; reinforcements preparing to join, ib. ; dismissal of Catholic officers from, 243 ; money irregularly sent to, 254 ; 3 plan formed to obtain a petition from, 399 ; is irritated with the Commons on account of the transference to the Scots of money voted for its use, 312 ; plan for placing Newcastle and Goring in com- mand of, in order that it may be brought up to support the King, 313 ; letter from the officers of, protesting their willingness to fight the Scots, 314 ; Charles inclines to the plan for obtaining a petition from, 315 ; Goring urges that the Tower must be seized by, 316 ; Charles rejects the plan for bringing up, 317 ; expresses its readiness to obey Goring, 324 ; fear in the Commons of the intervention of, 325 ; Charles sends money to, and is believed to purpose leading it against those who resist his authority, 342 ; proposal to bring to London, 343 ; alleged intention to send munitions of war to, 356 ; Con- yers and Astley sounded on the possi- bility of bringing to London, 398 ; peti- tion drawn up in the name of, 399 ; Holland succeeds Northumberland in command of, x. 2 ; disbandment of, 6 INDEX. i-\\ ARM Army, the Irish, resolution talcen to levy, ix. go ; Strafford suggests the employ- ment of, in England, 122 ; feelings of Englishmen at the prospect of an inva- sion by, 126 ; is ordered to rendezvous at Carrickfergus, 156 ; Strafford ap- pointed commander of, 1S3 ; complaint in the House of Commons of the pre- ponderance of Catholics in, and of the seizure of Londonderry by, 254 ; fresh report of Erie on, 255 ; Vane declares that it should be kept on foot till the Scottish army is disbanded, il\ ; Erie re- ports that Strafford is still in command of, 2S0 ; alleged intention of landing it at Milford Haven, ib. ; charge brought against Strafford of intending to bring over, 318 ; Charles again refuses to dis- band, 323 : reiterated demand of the Lords for thedisbandment of, 325 ; fresh charges against Strafford in connection with, ib. ; proposal to bring to Ports- mouth, 343 ; Charles once more refuses to disband, 344 ; Charles promises to dis- band, 374 : is to be brought together again to seize Dublin Castle, x. 7 ; is broken up, 10 Array, the Parliamentary', the Houses vote for the raising of, .\., 209 : its levy ordered, and Essex appointed general of, 211 Army, the Scottish, is collected at Dunglas, ix. 22 ; occupies Kelso, 27 ; encamps on Dunse Law, 30 ; prepares for the inva- sion of England, 160 ; is posted at Choicelee Wood, 180 ; is believfil m Northumberland not to be ready to in- vade England, 182: the way open foran invasion of England by, 184 ; invades England, and conducts itself well in Northumberland, 189: routs Conway at Newburn, 194 ; occupies Newcastle, 195 ; occupies Durham and the line of the Tees, 197 ; supplication that their griev- ances may be redressed with the advice of an English Parliament sent to Charles by, 201 ; demands a contribution from Northumberland and Durham, 203 ; defeat of a party of horse belonging to, 206 ; de- mand of 40,000/. a month made for the sup- port of, 211 ; agreement that the Northern counties shall support, until peace is con- cluded, 214 ; Charles unable to dissolve the Long Parliament unless he can make payment to, 219 ; hardships endured by the Northern counties from, 294 ; receives money assigned to the English army, 308 ; day fixed on which it is to recross the Tweed, X. I ; is reviewed by the King, 5 ; recrosses the Tweed, and disbands, 6 ; dismissal of the last remnants of, 20 Armyn, Sir William, is appointed a Parlia- mentary Commissioner to attend the King in Scotland, x. 4 Articles of Perth, the five, are proposed by James, iii. 222 ; postponement of the consideration of, 223 ; James's speech in recommendation of, 22S ; postponement ARU of the consideration of four of, 229 ; oppo- sition to, 234 : adoption of, 236 ; enforce- ment of, 237 ; fresh attempt to enforce, vii. 274 ; receive Parliamentary confir- mation, 275 ; partial suspension of, 27S ; continued opposition to, viii. 305 : Charles abandons, 363 ; the Assembly of Glasgow abolishes, 373 Articles, the Thirty-nine, partial subscrip- tion to, authorised by Parliament, i. 32 ; declaration prefixed by Charles to, vii. 21 ; acknowledged by the Commons in the form accepted by Parliament in Elizabeth's reign, 41 ; dispute about the .authority ascribed to the Church in, 4S ; are adopted by the Irish Convocation, viii. 53 , Artificers' petition, the, x. 162 Arundel, Countess of, accompanies Charles and Henrietta Maria from Dover to Can- terbury, v., 334 ; hurries on a marriage between her son and Elizabeth Stuart, vi. 72 ; speaks to Con of the improved position of the Catholics, viii. 242 Arundel, Earl of, 1604 (Thomas Howard), restitution of his title, i. 108 ; visits Raleigh on board the ' Destiny,' iii. 57 ; moves that the examinations in Bacon's case may be brought in, iv. 89 ; asks that Bacon maj' not be summoned to the bar, 93 ; protests against a proposal to deprive Bacon of his peerage, 102 ; quarrels with Lord Spencer, 114 ; wishes Yelverton to be condemned without being heard, 115 ; is sent to the Tower, 116 ; becomes Earl Marshal, 137 ; goes to Ghent to attend the deathbed of his son, v. 69 ; votesagainst war with Spain, 178 ; opposes Buckingham, vi. 71 ; is sent to the Tower for conniving at his son's marriage, 72 ; his case taken up by the Peers, 91 ; is removed to his own house, 92 ; Charles is angrj' at the message of the Peers about, 108 ; liberation of, 115 ; is sent back into confinement, 123 ; is restored to his seat in Parliament at the instance 'of the Lords, 231 ; proposes modifications in the Commons' resolutions on imprisonment, 259 ; wishes to find a formula which will leave the King a discretionary power of imprisonment in cases of necessity, 277 : draws up an amendment to the Petition of Right, 279 ; proposes a declaration to the King, 2S8 ; is restored to favour, 335 : is re- stored to his place in the Council, 371 ; is selected for an embassy to Vienna, vii. 102 ; is sent by Charles to invite Elizabeth to England, 208 ; argues in favour of the eastern position of the communion-table, 311 ; is selected to be ambassador to Vienna, viii. 102 ; shows his pictures and statues to Panzani, 136 ; receives instructions for his em- bassy to the Emperor, 158 ; arrives at Vienna, 159 ; on the rejection of his terms, asks to be recalled, 160 ; is re- called, 163 ; returns to England, and 232 INDEX. ASH argues in favour of a French alliance, 202 : speaks harshly to the Vintners' Company, 286 ; is entrusted with the fortification of the Border fortresses, 349 ; votes for war with Scotland, 350 ; appointed General of the army in the first Bishops' War, 3S5 : disapproves of the letter written by the Covenanters to Essex, ix. 12 ; reads the King's procla- mation at Dunse, 23 ; conferences for peace in the tent of, 38 ; is appointed to command the forces-south of the Trent, igi ; thinks it strange that the Scots should be asked to join in reformation of religion, 202 ; appointed Lord Steward of the Household and Speaker of the House of Lords, to preside over Straf- ford's trial during Lyttelton's illness, 302 ; protects Vane from improper ques- tions, 320 ; is called upon by a mob to do justice on Strafford, 349 Ashburnham, John, is sent to Paris to make overtures of peace, vi. 181 Ash'ournham, "William, wishes the army to present a petition in support of the King, ix. 308 Ashby-de-la-Zouch,' Henry Hastings at, x. 208 Ashley, Serjeant, argues that the question of imprisonment is too high to be settled bya legal decision, vi. 257 As.sembly of divines, nominated by the House of Commons, .v. 190 Assembly of the Church of Scotland, the General, approves the second Book of Discipline, i. 47 ; negotiations of James with, 68 ; assents to the King's plan for a clerical representation in Parliament, 72 ; resists James's wish to appoint bi- shops, 76 ; James wishes to forbid the meetings of, 303 ; meets at Aberdeen, 306 ; is prohibited from meeting, 308 ; meets at Linlithgow, and gives no sup- port to Melville and Forbes, ii. 30 ; accepts episcopacy, 102 ; authorises the preparation of a new Prayer Book, 221 ; meets at St. Andrew's, and agrees to one of the King's five articles, 229 ; meets at Perth, and adopts the others, 234 ; its meeting authorised by Charles, viii. 360 ; dispute as to the constitution of, 361 ; Hamilton's instructions about the elec- tions to, 362 ; is summoned to meet at G'asgow, 363 ; election of, 365 ; repre- sentative character of, 366 ; meets at Glasgow, 368 ; elects a Sloderator and clerk, 369 ; declares itself constituted, 370 ; is dissolved by Hamilton, but re- mains in session, 371 ; re-establishes Presbyterianism, 373 ; elections ordered for, ix. 44 ; Charles directs the bishops to protest against the legality of, 48 ; meets at Edinburgh, and abolishes epis- copacy, 49 ; protest of Traquair of the sense in which the King consents to the abolition of episcopacy by, 50 Asti, Treaty of, iii. 49 Astley, Sir Jacob, sent to the North to BAG muster the trained bands, viii. 383 ; re- ports unfavourably of his soldiers, 164 ; gathers troops at Selby, 185 ; joins Con- way at Newcastle, 192 ; attempts to rally his men on the hill opposite New- burn, 194 ; evacuates Newcastle, 195 ; dislikes being superseded by Goring, 324 ; is sounded on the feasibility of bringing the army to London, 398 : refuses to have to do with the second Army Plot, 400 Aston, Lord (Walter Aston), is sent as ambassador to Madrid, viii. 83 ; see Aston, Sir Walter Aston, Sir Walter, sent as ambassador to Spain, iii. 326 ; inquires whether Philip IV. means to .go on with the marriage treaty, iv. 190 ; repeats the words which had been used by Philip in assurance of his intention to proceed wit'n the treaty, v. 52 ; objects to the proposal tc educate the Electoral Prince at Vienna, loS ; expresses astonishment at a letter of Philip HL read by Olivares, 112 ; see Aston, Lord At a solemn Jizjisic, Milton's lines, vii. 270 Athol, Earl of, 1629-1642 (John Murr.iy), is attacked and imprisoned by Argyle, ix. 166 Attainder of Strafford, the Bill of, proposal of, ix. 329 ; first reading of, in the Com- mons, 330 ; second reading of, 335 : is discussed in committee, 336 ; tliird reading of, 338 ; is read a second time in the House of Lords, 341 : St. John's argument on the legality of, 344 ; gains ground in the House of Lords, 345 : is read a third time in the Lords, 361 ; deputations from the Lords urge Charles to assent to, 363 ; the Royal assent given to, 367 Aubrey, Christopher, charges Bacon with bribery, iv. 5S Augsburg, Peace of, ii. 88 ; entry of Gus- tavus into, vii. 197 Austria, spread of Protestantism in, iii. 262 ; Maximilian's invasion of, 367 ; rising of the peasants in, vi. 139 Austria, the House of, fortunate marriages of, iii. 261 ; renewed alliance between the two branches of, vii. 353 Aylesbury, burning of houses by mutineers at, ix. 133 Ayr, alleged to be the spot where the Irish army was to have landed, ix. 320 Aytona, Marquis of, overpowers the revo- lutionists in the Spanish Netherlands, vii. 347 B.'VBWORTH, Clifton's preaching at, iv. 147 Bacon, Sir Francis, his tract on the memory of Elizabeth, i. 12 ; distrusts Presbyterianism, 23 ; his scheme for the pacification of the Church, 146 ; political abilities of, 164 : comments on the pro- posed title of King of Great Britain, 177 ; is capable of reconciling James INDEX. 233 BAG and the Commons, 194 ; becomes a King's Counsel, 195 ; completes The Advancement 0/ Learning^, 297 ; advo- cates the grant of supply, 2^3 ; hopes to become Solicitor-General, 299 : is passed over, 300 ; speaks in favour of a union with Scotland, 3^2 ; becomes Solicitor- General, 340 : gives advice on the plan- tation of Ulster, 435 ; speaks at a conference on the commutation of feudal tenures, ii. 68 ; takes part in the debate on impositions, 76, 78 ; his opinion on Legate's case, 120 ; offers to become Secretary after Salisbury's death, 146 ; argues against Whitelocke, 189 : his theory of government, and moral cha- racter, 191 ; advises the King to call another Parliament, 201 ; gives his opinion on the mode in which Parlia- ment is to be met, 204 ; applies in vain for the Mastership of the Wards, 206 ; advises the appointment of Coke to the Chief Justiceship of the King's Bench, 207 ; becomes Attorney-General, 208 ; gives a masque at Somerset's mar- riage, 210 ; his opinion on the right way of dealing with Sutton's Hospital, 214 ; is permitted to sit as Attorney-General in the House of Commons, 236 ; attempts to persuade the Commons to give up the inquiry into the Undertakers, 23S ; failure of his attempt to reconcile the King and the Commons, 250 ; his charge against St. John, 269 ; is present at Peacham's torture, 274 ; advises the King on Peacham's case, 277 ; applies to Coke for his opinion, 278 ; tries to conceal Coke's opinion,. 280 ; his view of Owen's case, 304 ; takes part in the examination of Cotton, 347 ; his opinion on the evidence against Somerset, 348 ; prepares himself to prosecute, 352 ; con- ducts the prosecution of Somerset, 354 ; writes to the King on the policy to be adopted in order to meet Parliament successfully, 366 ; advises a proclama- tion to forbid the wearing of silk, 389 ; view taken of the c£)nstitutional position of the judges by, iii. 2 ; produces a writ de rege inconsnlto, 7 ; his argument in support of it, 9 ; writes to the King on Coke's attack on Chancery, 12 ; directs Coke not to proceed with the case of commendams, 14 : gives an opinion on the judges' oath, 17 : becomes a Privy Councillor, 10 ; his advice to Sir G. Vil- liers, 28 ; assists Villiers, 31 ; obtains from Montague an engagement to admit Heath and Shute to Roper's office, 35 ; converses with Raleigh on his scheme for securing the Mexico fleet, 48 ; his views on the Spanish alliance, 62 ; pro- poses additional instructions to Digby, 63 ; becomes Lord Keeper, 78 ; takes his seat in Chancery, 82 ; corresponds with Buckingham, 83 ; hears of the marriage proposed for Sir John Villiers, 88 ; quarrels with Winwood, 89 ; remon- BAC strates with Buckingham, 90; writes to the King and Buckingham about the alfair of Frances Coke, 93 ; is forced to apologise, 94 ; cause of Buckingham's dissatisfaction with, 96 ; is restored to favour, 97 ; becomes Lord Chancellor, and Lord Verulam, 102 {Lord Verntam, 1618-1621); appointed a Commissioner to examine Raleigh, 141 ; draws up the King's Declaration on Raleigh's pro- ceedings, 152 ; becomes a Commissioner of the "Treasury, 189 ; draws James's attention to the state of the finances, 196 ; his opinion on Suffolk's intercep- tion of money intended for Ireland, 209 ; supports Shute's candidature for the Recordership, 217 ; calls attention to the falling off of the recusancy fines, 2S2 ; prepares a draft proclamation for sum- moning Parliament, 378 ; speaks of the prerogative as the perfection of the common law, 380 ; his opinion of Cade- net, 390 : becomes Viscount St. Alban, 393 (yisconni St. Alban, 1621-1626); Ben Jonsons lines on the birthday of, ib. ; writes the Xoviiin Organuvi, 394 ; philosophical and political position of, 395, foreign policy of, 397 ; is connected with the grant of monopolies, iv. 2 ; is consulted on the patent for inns, 3 ; part taken by, in the monopoly of gold and silver thread, 13 . suggests that bonds shall be taken not to sell unlicensed gold and silver thread, 17 ; confirms Yelverton's committal o) the silk-mer- cers, 18; protectionist policy advocated by, 19; advises the withdrawal of some of the patents, 20; tells Mandeville that wood is dear at Newmarket, 24 ; replies to the charges against the referees, and is called to order, 50 ; asks the King to protect him, 53 : is blamed for his prac- tice in issuing bills of conformity, 57 ; is charged with taking a bribe from Aubrey, 58 ; and from Edward Egerton, 60 ; believes the charges to be trumped up, 66 ; appeals to Buckingham for sup- port, 67 ; illness of, 68 ; James recom- mends the appointment of a new tribu- nal to try the case of, ib. ; asks the Lords for time to answer his accusers, 72 : his- tory of his connection with Lady Whar- ton's case, ib. ; discussion of his alleged corruption, 78 ; further charges brought against, 81 ; regains his cheerfulness, 82 ; Buckingham abandons the defence of, 87 ; his memoranda on his conduct, 88 ; has an interview with the King, ib. ; evidence reported to the Lords against, 89 ; writes to the King, 90 ; relinquishes his defence, gi : submits to the Lords, 92 ; asks leave to explain special points 94 : comments on the charges against hini, 95 ; acknowledges that he has been guilty of corruption, 99 ; surrenders the Great Seal, loi ; is sentenced, 102 ; esti- mate of the career of, 104 : causes of his failure, 103 ; monarchical theories of, 234 INDEX. BAC BAR 107 ; imprisonment and release of, 132 ; writes the History of Henry I'll., ib. ; jests at Mandeville's loss of office, 227 ; refuses to sell York House, 277 ; is par- doned, and has his fine remitted, but is not allowed to live in London, ib. ; gives up his house, and is permitted to come to London, 27S ; his name removed by Charles from the list of Pri%'y Coun- cillors, V. 319 ; death of, vi. 121 ; extract from his essay on innovations, 313 Baden-Durlach, George Frederick, Mar- grave of, raises an army, iv. 294 : joins IMansfeld against Tilly, 309 : is defeated at Wimpfen, 310 ; offers to join Mansfeld with an array, 313 ; is defeated at Helli- genhafen, vi. 186 Bagg, Sir James, shares in victualling the fleet for the expedition to Cadiz, vi. 23 ; becomes a partner in the Vice-Admiralty of Devon, 144 ; writes that he has no money to buy provisions for the expedi- tion at Rh^, 191 ; cannot account for money owing to the soldiers, 218 ; case of, in the Star Chamber, viii. 89 ; escapes punishment, 91 - Bailey, Captain, deserts Raleigh, iii. 114 Baillie, Robert, his position in the Scottish Church, viii. 312 ; regrets the violence of the rioters, 321 : describes the condition of the army on Dunse Law, i.x. 31 ; pub- lishes Ladensiuin avTOKaraKpi^, 140 ; compares the Protestation to the Cove- nant, 354 Balcanqual, Walter (Dean of Rochester, 1625, of Durham, 1639), writes the Large Declaration SiTiA becomes Dean of Dur- ham, viii. 391 ; flies from Durham, ix. 197 Balfour, Sir James, is ordered to read the King's proclamation at Edinburgh, ix. 13 Balfour, Sir William, is to be sent to Ger- many to raise horse, vi. 224 ; is sent on a complimentary mission to Mary de Medicis, vii. 186 ; is ordered to admit Billingsley into the Tower, ix.348: refuses him admission, 349 ; refuses a bribe from Strafford, 366 ; tells Strafford that he cannot see Laud without leave from Par- liament, 368 ; resigns the Lieutenancy of the Tower, x. 108 Ballad on the Laudian clergy, viii. 128 Ballard, a Jesuit, is struck by Sir E.Verney at Madrid, v. 102 Ballot, proposal made in the Scotti.sh Par- liament to vote by, x. 21 Balmerino, ist Lord, 1604-1612 (James Elphinstone), disputes of, with the clergy, i. 308; is sent to England, ii. 31 ; ac- knowledges that he had obtained surrep- titiously a letter from James to the Pope, 32 ; is condemned '.o death, 33 Balmerino, 2nd Lord, 1612 (John Elphin- stone), asks Rothes to show to Charles Haig's supplication, vii. 293 ; shows the paper to his notary, 294 ; is tried and found guilty of concealing a libel. 295 ; is pardoned, 296 ; takes part in the revi- sion of the Covenant, viii. 330 ; advocates the holding of a session of Parliament in defiance of the King's order to prorogue it, ix. 150 Baltimore, ist Lord, 1624-1632 (George Calvert), is excluded from Charles's Privy Council, v. 319 ; is asked for an opinion on a peace with Spain, vi. 162 ; accom- panies Buckingham to Newmarket, 163 ; founds a colony in Newfoundland, visits Virginia, and receives a grant of Mary- land, viii. 177 ; death of, ib. See Calvert, George ; Calvert, Sir George Baltimore, 2nd Lord, 1632 (Cecil Calvert), takes up his father's project of settling a colony in Maryland, viii. 177 ; his position as proprietor of Maryland, 178 ; appoints his brother as Governor, 180 Banbury, refuses to billet soldiers, vi. 22S : Puritanism of, viii. 93 Banbury, Earl of, 1626-1632 (William Knollys), refuses to ask for ship-money in 1628, vi. 227. See Wallingford, Vis- count Banbury, the hundred of, refusal to pay ship-money in, yiii. 83 Bancroft, John \BisIiop of Oxford, 1632), becomes Bishop of Oxford, vii. 314 Bancroft, Richard (Bishop of London^ 1597, Ay-clibisliop of Cantejbiiry, 1604- i6io), his behaviour at the Hampton Court Conference, i. 153 ; presides in Convocation, and draws up canons, 195 ; becomes Archbishop of Canterbury, 196 ; directs that all curates and lecturers shall accejjt the canons of 1604, 197 ; takes the lead in drawing up the canons of 1606, 289; draws up ArticitU Cleri, ii. 36; asserts that the King may take causes out of the hands of the judges, 3S ; takes up the case of the ecclesiastical lawyers, 41 : death of, 119 Banda Islands, the Dutch in, iii. 163 Bandino, Cardinal, announces to Gage the terms on which the Infanta's marriage will be allowed, iv. 351 Baner. General, gains a victory at Witt- stock, viii. 163 ; marches through Thu- ringia, ix. 56 Bankes, Sir John (.Attorney-General, 1634 ; Chief Justice of the Com7non Pleas, 1641), becomes Attorney-General, vii. 366; argues for the Crown in Hampden's case, viii. 275 ; gives a legal opinion on the extent of the King's military autho- rity, 350 ; becomes Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, ix. 263 ; signs the pro- testation of the peers at Vork, x. 205 Bantam, Dale's arrest at, iii. 179 Barbary Pirates, the, iii. 64. .See Algiers Barberini, Cardinal, is sent by Urban VIII. to mediate between France and Spain, v. 327 ; wTites to Henrietta Maria on behalf of Lady Pnrbeck, viii. 146 : the Queen demands money from, ix. 244 Barcelona, Treaty of, vi. 90 Barcbone, Praise-God, dispersion of a con- gregation of Separatists at the house of, X. 105 INDEX. 235 BAR Barnard, Robert, Cromwell speaks roughly to, vii. 165 Barneveld, John Van Olden (Pensionary o/Hollanii), sent as ambassador to Ent;- land. i. 105 ; leads the peace party in the Netherlands, ii. 2t ; opuoses the Calvin- ists, iii. 25S : is driven from power, 259 ; execution of, 260 Barnwall, Sir Patrick, imprisoned and sent to England for petitioning against the pro- ceedings in the Castle chamber against the Dublin aldermen, i. 395 ; is released, 399 ; is sent to England, li. 288 Baronet, money obtained by the sale of the title of, ii. 112 Baronius's Church History, proposed pre- sentation of, to James, i. 225 Barrington, Sir Francis, is imprisoned for refusing to sit on the commission in E^sex for the forced loan, vi. 128 Earwalde, treaty of, vii. 179 Basilicon J.loron, the, i. 75 Ba'^sompiene, Marshal, is to be sent to England, vi. 137 ; arrives in London and negotiates about the Queen's household, 141 ; and about commercial disputes, 142; entertainment given by Buckingham to, 145 : hints to Buckingham that his pre- sence will not be acceptable in France, 147 : returns to France, 150 ; is disavowed by Louis, 152 Bastwick, John, writes Flagellum Ponti- Jicis, Apologeticus, and The Litany of John Bastwick, viii. 227 ; is tried and sentenced in the Star Chamber, 22S ; stands in the pillory, 231 ; is imprisoned in the Scilly Isles, 233 ; the Commons order the liberation of, ix. 236 ; enters London in triumph, 242 ; the Commons vote reparation to, 298 ; is carried off as a prisoner from Leicester by the King, x. Bate, John, resists payment of the imposi- tion on currants, ii. 5 ; decision of the Court of Exchequer against, 6 Bates, Thomas. See Gunpowder Plot Bavaria, Duke of, Elector of. See Maxi- milian Baxter, Richard, early life of, v. 353 ; de- scribes the ignorance of the mass of the population, viii. 124; describes the Pu- ritans known to him, 125 ; visits the Court, 126; his first thought of Noncon- formity, ih. Bayley, Dr. Lewis, preaches a sermon in which he attacks the Catholic Privy Councillors, ii. 159 Beale, Dr. William, is sent for by the House of Commons, ix. in Beale, Thomas, asserts that he heard per- sons talking of a plot to murder members of the two Houses, x. 73 Beard. Dr. Thomas, is Cromwell's school- master, vii. 54 ; is reprimanded by Neile, 55 Beaulieu, Charles's visit to, vi. 4 Beaumont and Fletcher, immorality of the plays of, vii. 327 BEL Beauty of Holiness, the. Laud's idea of, vii. 125 Beccles, Brent's report of the metropolitical vi-itation of, viii. rog Becher, Sir William, is sent to Rochelle to offer Buckingham's assistance, vi. 172 ; supposes that the Rochellese magistrates have been bribed by Louis, 174 ; arrives in England to beg for reinforcements for the expedition to Rh6, 179 ; sails with recruits and a little money, 180 Beckington, excommunication of the churchwardens of, viii. 116 Bedell, William {Bisho/i of Kilmore and Artiagh, 1629-1633, of Kilmore, 1633- 1641), converses with De Dominis, iv. 284 ; protests against the tyranny of the ecclesiastical courts, viii. 41, and against the ignorance of the Irish language in the. clergy, 42 ; resigns the see of .Ardagh, ib. ; receives fugitives from Belturbet, 66 Bedford, Countess of, introduces the man- ufacture of gold and silver thread, iv. 11 Bedford, 3rd Earl of, 1585-1627 (Edward Russell), hopes that Parliament may have a successful meeting, iii. 230 Bedford, 4th Earl of 1627-1641 (Francis Russell), lends to Somerset a copy of Dudley's paper of advice, vii. 139 ; is prosecuted in the St.-xr Chamber, 140 ; undertakes to drain the Great Level of the Fens, viii. 295 ; fails to complete the wtrk, 296 ; arrangement made by Charles with, 298 ; votes against interference with the Commons, ix. 109 ; signs a let- ter to Johnston of Warriston, 179 ; takes part in a meeting of the opponents of the Court, and is recommended by the Council to return to his own county, 198 ; signs the petition of the twelve peers, 199 ; asks the Council to support the pe- tition, 202 ; Pym trusted by, 223 ; rumour that he is to be Treasurer, 273 ; becomes a Privy Councillor, 292 ; is informed of the Army Plot, 317 ; is again by rumour named as Treasurer, 340 ; death of, 361 Bedford, 5th Earl of, 1641 (William Rus- sell), is appointed a Parliamentarj- Com- missioner to attend the King in Scotland, X. 4 ; protests agiinst the refusal of the Lords to communicate their resolution on Divine Service to the Commons, 16 ; declines to accompany the Parliamentary Commissioners to Edinburgh, 18 Bedford Level, the, viii. 295 Bedfordshire, levy of soldiers resisted in, ix. 160 Belhaven, Lord, 1633-1639 (Robert Dou- glas), improbable story told r.f, vii. 278 Bellarmine, Cardinal, remonstrates with Blackwell, ii., 20 ; enters into controversy with James, 31 Bellasys, Henry, insults Wentworth, vii. 229 ; is forced to make submission, 230 ; urges the abolition of the military charges, ix. 114 ; refuses to answer ques- tions^ about his conduct in Parliament, 129 ; is imprisoned, 130 ; liberation of, 135 236 INDEX. BEL Belle, Captain, accompanies Faige to France, iii.. no; gives information on Raleigh's plans, in Bellievre, ^1. de, wins the Queen to op- pose the effort of Cardenas to obtain protection for Oquendo's fleet, ix. 63 ; wishes France to assist the Covenanting leaders, 91 ; recall of, 92 Bellin. Christopher, is sent by the Elector of Brandenburg to invite Gustavus to place himseir at the head of the North German Princes, v.' 296; accompanies Spens to England, 297 ; negotiates with Richelieu, 298 Belturbet, treatment of fugitives from, x. 66 Bemerton, life of George Herbert at, vu. 268 Ben, Sir Anthony, death of, iii. 217 Benevolence, a, offered by^ the _ bishops and others, ii. 260 ; Coke's opinion on the legality of, 261 ; the country asked for, ib. ; small result of, 262, 264 ; pres- sure put on the country to give, 265 ; re- sistance to the payment of, 266 ; proposed levy of, in Ireland, 300 ; proposed by the Council for the defence of the Palatinate, i'i- 373 ; small results obtained from, 380 ; is again demanded in 1622, iv. 294 ; moderate results of, 295 ; proposal of Buckingham t^ levy another, 375 ; is suggested by Sir E. Coke, v. 427 ; pro- posed by Nethersole, vii. 343 Bennett, Sir John, is said to have offered money for the Chancellorship, iii. 78 ; charge of corruption against, iv. 108 ; is bailed, 125 ; is fined in the Star Cham- ber, 350 Benyon. George, opposes the militia ordi- nance, X. 168 ; is sentenced to fine and imprisonment, 185 Bergen-op-Zoom, is besieged by Spinola, iv. 341 ; is relieved, 376 Bergh, De, Count Henry, passes from the Spanish to the Dutch service, vii. 209 Bergstrasse, the, given up to the Elector of Meutz, V. 145 Berkeley, Sir John, is placed in custody by the Commons, x. 28 ; examination of, 42 Berkeley, Sir Maurice, asks the Commons to defer the consideration of the Great Contract till there is a larger attendaiice, ii. 106 ; conversation of Peachara with, 272 Berkeley, Sir Robert, 1632 {Justice of the King's Bench), 16 ; refuses to allow Chani- bers to trj- the legality of ship-money in his court, viii. 103 ; delivers judgment in the case of ship-muney, 27S ; is arrested on the Bench and impeached, ix. 289 Berkshire, payment of the forced loan in, vi. 153 ; mutiny of soldiers from, ix. 172 Berkshire, Earl of, 1620-1623 (Francis Nor- risX quarrels with Lord Scrope, iv. 38 ; marriage of his daughter to Edward W'ray, 276 ; commits suicide, ib. BIL Berkshire, Earl of, 1626 (Thomas Howard), is a candidate for the Chancellorship ot the University of Cambridge, vi. 116; is sent prisoner to London by Hampden, X. 218 Bernard, Nathaniel, attacks the new cere- monies, vii. 250; is fined and imprisoned, 251 Bernhard (Duke of Saxe-Weimar), takes Ratisbon, vii. 348 ; is jealous of Horn, 353 ; is taken into the pay of the King of France, 374 ; defeats the Imperialists at Rheinfelden and takes Breisach, viii. 381 ; Charles hopes for the assistance of, ix. 56 : death of, 57 Berreo, gives information to Raleigh about El Dorado, ii. 373 Berry, Captain, is sent by Raleigh to Guiana, ii. 378 BeruUe, Father, is sent by Richelieu to urge the Pope to grant a dispensation for Henrietta Maria's marriage with Charles, v. 306 ; protests against the proposed persecution of the Catholics, 422 Berwick, bridge built over the Tweed at, ii. 214 ; fortifications to be erected at, viii. 344 ; Lindsey sent to command at, 385 ; Charles pro,"oses to advance to, ix. 18 ; arrival of Charles at, 22 ; visit of the Covenanters to Char es at, 46 ; Con- yers placed in command of the garris.^n of, 84 Berwick, the Treaty o'f, signature of, ix. 40 ; difficulties in the way of the execu- tion of, 44 ; complaints of the non-execu- tion of, 46 Best, Captain, sent to protect the ports of Scotland, v. 84 ; convoys a Dunkirk privateer from Aberdeen, 86 ; drives the Dutch from the Downs, 87 ; brings the privateer to the Thames, 88 Bethlen Gabor {Prince of Transylvania), attacks Vienna, iii. 320 : is elected King of Hungary, 382 ; makes head against Bucquoi, iv. 203 ; engages to attack the Emperor's territory, vi. 139 ; Wal- lenstein opposed to, 164 ; peace made by the Emperor with, 186 Beverley, the King posts himself at, x. 211; Cliarles receives a petition from the Houses at, 212 Bible, the, new translation of, i. 200 Billeting soldiers, outrages consequent on, vi. 2x9 ; resolution of the Commons on, 247 ; clause in the Petition of Right con- demnatory of, 275 ; complaint in York- shire of, ix. 177 ; the King's explanation of his right to enforce, 187 Billingsley, Captain, is sent to occupy the Tower, ix. 348 ; is refused admission, 349 Bills of Conformity, complaint of Bacon's issue of, iv. 57 Bilson, Thomas {Bishop of Winchester, 1597-1616), reports on Laud's election at St John's, ii. 127 ; unp ipularity of, for supporting the Essex divorce, 174; James INDEX. 237 BIN refuses the appointment of Lord Privy Seal to, 328 ; becomes a Privy Coun- cillor, 330 ; gives an opinion on the pre- paration for a Parliament, 366 Bingley, Sir John, charged with partici- pating in Lady Suffolk's coiruptioii, iii. 189 ; Star Chamber proceedings against, 208 : sentence on, 210 Bingley, Sir Richard, convoys a Dunkirk priv.vteer to Mardike, v. 88 Binning, Lord 1613-1619 (Thomas Hamil- ton), is appointed one of the King s com- missioners at the Assembly of Perth, iii. 234. See Melrose, Earl of Birks, the, Charles encamps at, ix. 22; con- dition of the troops at, 30 ; conferences for a treaty opened at, 38 Bishop, William (Bishop o/Chalcedon), is opposed to the Jesuits, viii. 131 Bishops' Exclusion Bill, .the first, passes the Commons, ix. 347 ; is amended by the Lords, 37S ; is discussed in con- ference, 382 ; is rejected by the Lords, 383 .. . Bishops' Exxlusion Bill, the second, is brought into the House of Commons, x. 37 ; is sent up to the Lords, 38 ; petition of the City in favour of, 71 ; is accepted by the Lords, 163 ; receives the Royal assent, 165 Bishops, the English, resolution of the Commons to exclude from the House of Lords, ix. 209 ; their special dependence on the King asserted by Saye and Jeremy Taylor, 381 ; are insulted outside the House of Lords, x. 117; the protest of, 122. See Episcopacy Bishops, the Scottish, offer of Charles to make them responsible to the Assembly, viii. 363 ; are accused before the Edin- burgh Presbytery, 368 ; the Assembly of Glasgow declares itself comjjetent to judge, 371 ; are deprived of their autho- rity by the Assembly, 373 ; are summoned by Charles to the -Assembly of Edin- burgh, ix. 44 ; are directed by (Jharles to protest secrttly against the legality of the Assembly, 48 Bishops' War, the first, ix. i Bishops' War, the second, ix 165 Black, David, preaches a political sermon, i. 56 : is summoned before the Council, 58 ; declines the jurisdiction of the Coun- cil, 59 ; renews his declinature, 60 ; is banished beyond the Pay, 61 ' Black Saturday,' vii. 275 Blackfriars. accident at an assembly of Catholics at the house of the French Ambassador at, v. 142 Blackwater, the defeat of the English at, L 361 Blackwell, George, the Archpriest, receives information of Watson's plot, i. 113 ; informs Cecil of the plot, 114; rejoices in the divisions of the Church of Eng- land, 146 ; vacillation of, on the subject of taking the oath of allegiance, ii. 16 ; takes the oath, 20 ; is deposed, 21 BOR Blainville, Sieur de, is appointed French ambassador in England, and ordered to object to Buckingham's proposed visit to France, vi. 25 ; asks Charles to fulfil his promise in favour of the English Catho- lics, 27 : holds a conversation with Buck- ingham, 28 ; remonstrates with Charles, 29 : protests against the sale of French prize goods, 42 ; is accused of setting the Q,)uecn against her husband, 48 ; is for- bidden to appear at Court, 57 ; inter- ference with the Catholics going to mass at the chapel of, 70; indignation of, at the violation of his privileges as an ambas- sador, 71 ; has his last audience, 89 Blavet, seizure of ships in the harbour of, V. 304 Bloxham, the hundred of, resistance to ship-money in, viii. 93 Blythe, Dunkirkers attacked by the Dutch at, vii. 389 Bocking, the communion-rails burnt by soldiers at, ix. 176 Bodleian Librarj', the, Laud gives some MSS. to, viii. 147 ; Charles visits, 151 Bohemia, Protestantism in, iii. 262 ; aris- tocratic institutions of, 263 ; the Royal Charter of, 264 ; conflict of opinion in, 265 ; acceptance of Feruinand as King of, 266 ; revolution in, 270 ; the Elector of Saxony offers to mediate in, 275 ; suc- cesses of the revolutionists in, 278; James is asked to mediate in, 279 ; Doncaster sent to mediate in, 289 ; Ferdinand's claim to the throne rejected by the direc- tors of, 290 ; Ferdinand's successes in, 304 ; James's offer of mediation received \vith coolness in, 307 ; Frederick elected King of, 309 ; anarchy in, 315 ; progress of the war in, 381 ; defeat of Frederick in, 383 ; Ferdinand m.aster of, 384 : ex- pulsion of the Lutheran clergy from, iv. 400 Bohemia, King of. See Frederick V., Elector Palatine Bohemia, Queen of. See Elizabeth, Elec- tress Palatine Boischot, Ferdinand de, sent to England by the Infanta Isabella, iv. 409 ; meets Charles and Buckingham on his way to London, v. 7 Bolingbroke, Earl of, 1624 (Oliver St. John), refuses to pay the forced loan, vi. 190 ; signs the petition of the twelve peers, ix. 199 Bordeaux, seizure of the English wine- fleet at, vi. 147 Border trials, .4ct providing for the regula- tion of, i. 338 Borlase, Sir John, is appointed Lord Jus- tice, X. 55. See Lords Justices, the Borough, Sir John, is prevented by the inhabitants of F'rankenthal from aban- doning I he place, iv. 362 ; evacuates Frankcrjthal, v. 74 ; is sent as second in command of the expedition to RW, vi. 169: behaves well at the landing, 173; death of, 181 =38 INDEX. BOR Borough, Sir John, writes the Scrt'ereigniy of the Sea, vii. 358 Boroughbridge, meeting of officers at, ix. 324 . . . . Boston, self-mutilation of a soldier of, ix. 10 Boswell, Sir William, is instructed to be present at the conferences between the deputies of the two States-General, vii. 212 ; is directed to enforce the use of the Prayer-book in the- English congrega- tion at Delft, 315 ; insists on the adop- tion of the Prayer-book by the English regiments in the Netherlands, 316 ; ne- gotiates with the Dutch fishermen, viii. 2i3 ; remonstrates with Mary de Medi- cis, 379 Boteler, Lord, 1628-1637 (John Boteler), changes his religion, viii. 23S Bowes, Sir Jerome, receives a patent for making glass, iv. 9 Bowing in church, enforced by Laud, vii. 242 ; controversy on, 246 ; Laud defends his practice respecting, viii. 230 Bowyer, Ludowick, is punished for an at- tack on Laud, vii. 302 Brackley, Viscount, 1616-1617 (Thomas Egerton), illness of, iii. 76 ; resignation of, 77 ; death of, 78 ; see EUesmere, Lord Bradford, William, attends Clifton's preaching, iv. 147 ; hears that his wife has been drowned, 166 ; is chosen gover- nor of the colony in New England, 168 : welcomes the Massachusetts settlers, ".''■ '55 . Braintree, difficulty of enforcing conformity at, vii. 250 Eramhall, John {Bishop of Derry, 1634), takes part m the amendment of the Irish canons, viii. 53 : attempts to enforce conformity in Ulster, 54 Bramston, John, defends the five knights, vi. 213. See Bramston, Sir John Bramston, Sir John, delivers judgment in the case of ship-money, viii. 279 Brancepeth, arrangements of Cosin's Church at, vii. 267 Brandenburg, Elector of. See George Wil- liam Brandling, Robert, locks up an ecclesiasti- cal court in a church, viii. in Breda, Spinola lays siege to, v. 275 ; con- nection of the Prince of Orange with, ib. ; wish of the French to employ Mans- feld in the relief of, 276 ; surrender of, 335 ; e.xhaustion of the Spanish finances in consequence of the siege of, vi. 162 Ereisach, is taken by Bernhard, viii. 3S1 Breitenfeld, battle of, vii. 188 ; enthusiasm raised in England by the success of Gustavus at, 189 Brent, Sir Nathaniel, is Laud's Vicar- General to carry out the metropcHtical visitation, viii. 108 Brereton, Sir William, his remarks on the physical and moral condition of the S( ots, viii. 307 Brett, Anne, marries Cranfield, iii. 213 BRI Brett, -Arthur, is suspected of attempting to supplant Buckingham, and is sent out of England, v. 6, 229 ; returns to England, 230 ; is to go to Rome as Henrietta Maria's agent, viii. 138 ; receives in- structions from Charles, 139 ; death of, 144 Brett, Sir Alexander, behaves well at the landing at Rhe, vi. 173 ; disaster to the regiment of, igS Brewers, the, charged with brewing too strong beer, ii. 306 Brewster, Captain, condemned to death by Argall, iii. t6o Brewster, William, settles as postmaster at Scrooby, iv. 147 ; becomes elder of the Separatist congregation at, 150 ; is im- prisoned for attempting toemigrate, 151 ; crosses the .\tlantic in the ' Maj-flower,' 159 ; nurses the sick, 167 ; presides over the congregation at Plymouth, 169 Bribes, distinguished from fees and gratui- ties, iv. 79 Brickmakers, monopoly granted to the cor- poration of, viii. 283 Bridge of Dee, the, is stormed by Mon- trose, ix. 41 Bridge of Dessau, the, Mansfeld defeated at, vi. 139 Bridgeman, John^Bisknp of Chester, 1619), e.vamines the Lancashire witches, vii 324 Bridgewater, Earl of, 1617 (John Egerton), said to have paid for his earldom, iii. 78 ; becomes a Privy Councillor, vi. 133 ; thinks that the Lords ought to decide something about the Petition of Right, 2S1 ; performance of the Coiiius at the festivities to celebrate his entry upon the office of President of Wale.s, vii. 335 Bristol, proposals to send citizens of, to Waterford, viii. 8 Bristol, Earl of, 1622 (John Digby), is ordered to leave Madrid if Philip will not engage to help in obtaining the restitu- tion of the Palatinate, iv. 371 ; expresses confidence that he will obtain satisfaction if time is allowed, 379 ; but tries to put the assurances of Olivares to the test by asking that Spanish troops may joiii in the defence of Mannheim and Franken- thal, 380 : is allowed to read Philip's letter to the Infanta Isabella, 38 r , fails to obtain a promise from the Spanish GoN-ernment that Heidelberg will be re- stored within seventy days, 384 ; his position in Spain threatens to become un- tenable, 385 ; allows the marriage articles, as amended in Spain, to be sent to Rome, 396 ; recommends their acceptance by James, 397 : receives Charles and Buck- ingham at Madrid, v. 10 ; imagines that Charles intends to change his religion, 17 ; Protestant seri'ice celebrated in his house, 28 ; resents Olivares' statement that Philip III. never intended to con- clude the marriage treaty, 51 ; remon- strates with Olivares. 52 ; pleads for a INDEX. 239 BKI relaxation of the demands of the Theolo- gians, 53 ; postpones action on his in- structions tc treat for a partition of the Netherlands, 86 ; is ready to consent to the education of the Electoral Prince at Vienna, 108 ; policy of, 109 : offers to wager a ring that Charles will spend Christmas at Madrid, 112 ; writes to James on Buckingham's misconduct in Spain, 114 ; is ordered not to deliver Charles's proxy till he has security that the Infanta will not go into a nunnery, Ii3; assures Charles that the Infanta may be relied on, 121 ; explains to Charles his objections to a delay in delivering the proxy left with him, 133 ; hopes that if the marriage is effected Philip will assist in the restitution of the Palatinate, 139 ; complains of the instructions sent him to postpone the marriage, 140 ; is ordered to leave Spain if he does not receive a satisfactory answer about the Palatinate, 146 ; asks hjw he can honourably detain the proxy when the dispensation arrives, 148 ; tries to postpone the marriage, 151 ; informs Olivares that the marriage must be postponed, and demands the restitu- tion of the Palatinate, 153 ; political ideas of, i6i ; offers to be reconciled to Buck- ingham, 164 ; rejects the offers of Olivares, and leaves Spain, 165 ; returns in a state of irritation against Buckingham, 231 ; is confined to his house and asks for a trial in Parliament, 232 : is subjected to interrogatories, and compelled to retire to Sherborne, 236 ; refuses to acknowledge error, 308 : his name removed by Charles from the list of Councillors, 319 ; receives a visit from Pembroke, vi. 30 ; is ordered to remain at Sherborne, 92 ; is forbidden to come to Parliament, and declares his readiness to stand a trial, 93 ; comes to Westminster to take his seat in the House of Lords, and accuses Buckingham, 94 ; is accused by Charles of high treason, 95 ; charges against him, and his counter- charges against Buckingham, 96 ; makes his defence, 97 ; counsel allowed him by the Lords, 112; answers the charges against him, 114; is sent to the Tower, 123 ; is restored to his seat in Parliament at the instance of the Lords, 231 ; Star Chamber prosecution of, 232 ; asserts that the King has a regal power besides his legal power, 258 ; wishes to find a formula which will allow the King a discretionary power of imprisonment in cases of necessity, 277; declares that the clause drawn up by Weston is not essen- tial, 281 ; supports Arundel's proposal fora declaration to the King, 288 ; speaks of the mischievous effects of a dissolution, 306 ; proposes to ask the King not to dissolve Parliament, 307 ; declares that distractions have sprung up from the King's first answer to the Petition, 308 ; is restored to favour, 335 ; dissuades Charles from ad\ancing to Berwick, ix. BRO 18 ; tells Charles that most of the Lords wish to petition for a Parliament, 36 ; reports Strafford's conversation on the political situation, 137 ; is accepted as a leader by the Great Council, 208 ; thinks that the City will lend money, 209 ; tells Charles that he will have to do what he does not wish, 252 ; recommends the ac- ceptance of the Scottish demands for compensation, 261 ; is restored to the Privy Council, 292 ; policy of, 339 ; urges Charles to declare that he will not re- store Strafford to authority, 345 ; is in- sulted by a mob, 350 ; is excused from voting on the Attainder Bill, 361 ; be- comes a Gentleman of the Bedchamber, 416 ; draws up an amendment to the declaration against toleration, x. 100 ; is named as an evil counsellor, 116 ; is charged by Cromwell with having wished to bring up the Northern army, 119 ; is sent to the Tower, 181 ; liberation of, 194. See Digby, Sir John ; Digby, Lord Broadgate, the Leicestershire magazine of arms carried off to, x. 206 ; failure of Hastings's attempt on, 209 Brome, is joint author of Th£ Lancashht Witches, vii. 326 F/ooke, Dr. Samuel, is forbidden to pul. lish a controversial book, vii. 133 Brooke, George, takes part in Watson's plot, i. 109 ; gives evidence against his brother, 117; is convicted, 138; is exe- cuted, 139 Brooke, ist Lord, 1621-1628 (Fulk Gre- ville), surrenders the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, iv. 228 ; is absent through illness from the Privy Council when the oath is taken to the Spanish marriage treaty, v. 69 ; is a member of the Council of War, 223 ; is appointed a member of the Committee for Foreign Affairs, 323 Brooke, 2nd Lord, 1628 (Robert Greville), proposes to emigrate to New England, viii. 171 ; follows the King reluctantly to the war against the Scots, 3S5 ; refuses to take the military oath, ix. 11 ; votes against interference with the Commons, 109 ; his study searched, 129 ; signs a letter to Johnston of Warriston, 179 ; takes part in a meeting of the opponents of the Court, 198 ; signs the petition of the twelve peers, 199 ; visits a congrega- tion of Separatists, 267 ; rumoured ap- pointment to the Privy Council of, 413 ; his Discourse on Episcopacy, x. 35 ; in- tention of Charles to call as a witness against the five members, 130 : seizure of guns intended to be used at Warwick Castle by, 216 ; establishes himself in Warwick Castle, 217 Brooke, Sir Basil, fined at Holland's jus- tice-seat at Gloucester, vii. 364 Brooksby, Bartholomew, is convicted of treason, i. 138 ; is banished, 139 Brotherly .Assistance, the, offered to the Scots by the Commons, ix. 272 ; bill for 240 INDEX. BRO securing payment of, 417 ; an instalment I of, promised immediately, x. i Brouncker, Sir Henry, becomes President of Munster, i. 378 ; attempts to repress recusancy, 395 ; death of, 399 Brown, Robert, founds the Separatist body, '• 37. Brownists. See Separatists Brownlow v. Michell, case of, iii. 7 Brussels, Conway and Weston arrive at, iii. 366 ; Digby negetiates for peace at, iv. 189 ; Digby visits, on his retvirn from Vienna, 223 ; opening of conference for the pacification of the Palatinate at, 311 ; renewed discussion at the conference at, 321 ; proposal made for the seques- tration of towns in the Palatinate at, 337 ; progress of the negotiations at, 340 ; end of the conference at, 345 ; meeting of the States-General at, vii. 210 ; French declaration of war at, 384 ; Mary de Medicis at, viii. 379 Buckden, position of the communion-table at, vii. 17 Buckeridge, John {Bishop of Rochester, 1610, Bishop of Ely, 1628), declares that the Church does not condemn Monta- gue's opinions, v. 401 ; suggests that the opinion of the judges be taken on the Petition of Right, vi. 287 ; becomes Bishop of Ely, 330 Puckinjham, Countess of, is ordered to leave the Court, iii. 208 ; finds husbands for her poor relations, 212 ; fails in ob- taining a wife for her son Christopher, 296 ; advises Buckingham to marry Lady Catherine Manners, 354 ; finds husbands for her kinswomen, iv. 24 ; listens to Fisher, the Jesuit, 279 ; after hearing a conference between Laud and Fisher, declares herself a Roman Catholic, 281 ; applies a plaister to James, v. 313 ; ac- companies Charles and Henrietta Maria, 334 ; wish of Charles that she shall be a Lady of the Bedchamber to the Queen, vi. 4 ; resolution of Charles that the Queen shall witness a procession in the com- pany of, 56 ; enters the Queen's house- hold, 141 ; writes a letter to her son at Rh6, 189 ; brings about a reconciliation between her son and Williams, 339 lUickinghara, Duchess of, proposed as Lady of the Bedchamber to the Queen, vi. 4 ; enters tlie Queen's Household, 141 ; ■writes to her husband during his absence, ]8S ; writes to Dr. Moore on her hus- band's absence, 189 : intercedes for a mutineer, 34S ; hears of her husband's murder, 350 ; erects a monument to her husband, 357 ; is brought to Court to plead for Portland, vii* 350 ; marries Lord Dunluce, and pleads for Lady Pur- beck, viii. 146 Buckingham, Duke of, 1623-162S, (George Villiers), takes no part in the Prince's fresh efforts to induce the Spaniards to allow the Li anta to leave Spain, v. 59; blame of Charles's failure laid by the BUG Spaniards on, 93 ; his conduct at Madrid, 04 : threatens Khevenhiiller, ib. ; is sent to Olivares to urge him to allow the In- fanta to accompany Charles, 95 ; has an interview with the Infanta, 96 ; engages in an altercation with Olivares, iii ; ac- count given by Bristol of the misconduct of, 114; upbraids Olivares, n6 ; urges James to make the restitution of the Palatinate an indispensable condition ot the Prince's marriage, 141 : gives an account of his proceedings in Spain to a Committee of the Council, 143 ; urges James to summon Parliament, 157 : his hold upon Charles, 172 ; is eager for war, 173 : is angry at the refusal of the Com- mittee on Spanish affairs to vote for war, 177 : gives the Houses a narrative of his proceedings in Spain, 1S5 ; is supported by Parliament against the Spanish am- bassadors, 188 : sneers at James's refusal to receive a petition from the Commons, 192 : assures Charles that he will become popular if he engages in w.ir, 195 ; sug- gests \ht imposition of new taxes, and the introduction of foreign troops, 196 ; asks James to break the treaties with Spain, 197 ; begs James not to waver be- tween his subjects and the Spaniards, and urges him to agree to a French alliance, 198 ; moves for an inquiry into the insults offered to the Spanish Embassy, 203 : is probably cognisant of the attack on La- fuente, 204 ; challenges Lafuente to de- clare the substance of his lost despatches, 205 ; is always present when the Spanish ambassadors have an audience, 207 ; Carondelet's complaint against, 208 : is informed of Carondelet's proceedings, 210 ; nature of his influence over James, 213; charges brought by Lafuente against, 224 ; is accused by Inojosa of conspiring to dethrone James, 226 : is cleared by the Privy Council, 228 ; supports the im- peachment of Middlesex, 230 ; fails ill, 231 ; wishes to have Bristol sent to the "Tower, 232 ; objects to an interview be- tween James and Bristol, 236 ; demands 10,000/ from the East India Company, 238 ; stays the East India fleet, and charges the Company with piracy, 239 ; obtains the money for which he had asked, 240 ; is persuaded by Efifiat to be satisfied with the French proposal about the mar- riage treaty, 254 ; urges James to sign an article in favour of the Catholics, 257 ; assures Louis that James has done all that can be expected, ib. ; gains Charles over to Efliat's views, 261 ; risks of the warlike policy of, 264 ; tells Efliat that Parliament will be angry with him, 268 ; does not mention to James the wish of the French ambassadors, that Mansfeld shall land in Holland, 281 ; is dis>atisfied with Mansfeld's resolution to take his army to Flushing, 285 : is anxious to get Mansfeld off on any terms, 286 : hopes that JNIansfeld will reach the Palatinate, INDEX. 241 BUC 287 ; advises Bellin to visit Paris, 298 ; is eager for a vigorous war, 300 ; urges James to lend ships for an attack on Genoa, and proposes to send a fleet to the coast of Spain, 302 ; urges James to lend ships to be used against Rochelle, 305 ; prepares to go to France with Charles's proxy for the marriage with Henrietta Maria, 306 ; strength of his position at Court, 308 ; buys from Lord Zouch the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports, 310 ; declines the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, 311 ; resents the advice of Williams that he shall abandon the Admiralty, ib. ; gives James a posset-drink, 313 ; shares Charles's privacy during the first days of his reign, 319 : assures Cottington that he wishes to ruin him, 322 ; is a member of the Committee for Foreign Affairs, 323 ; lends money to enable the fleet to be got ready for sea, ib. ; is to command the fleet, and proposes to use it to attack the ports of Flanders, 325 ; is too busy to act as proxy for Charles at Paris, 326 ; resolves to visit France to urge Louis to ally himself with England, 327 ; wishes Louis to come to terms with the Hugue- nots, 328 ; makes a splendid appearance at the Court festivities at Paris, 330 ; fails as a negotiator, 331 ; makes love to the Queen of France, 332 ; urges his followers to support a motion for further supply, 366 ; Eliot's remonstrance with, 367 ; tells Eliot that supply is asked for, with expectation of denial, 368 ; intention of, 369 ; chooses Sir J. Coke as his mouth- piece in the House of Commons, 370 : is unwilling to employ Pennington's fleet against the French Protestants, 379 ; orders Pennington to give up his fleet to the French, and negotiates with the French ambassadors at Rochester, 384 : gives secret instructions to Nicholas, 385 ; orders Pennington to get up a mutiny in his ships, 386 ; is pleased with the news that Louis has made peace with the Huguenots, 393 ; orders Pennington ac- tually to surrender the fleet, 394 ; makes up his mind to throw over the Catholics, and to disgrace Williams, 398 ; effort made to reconcile the House of Commons to, 412 ; Rich demands that he shall not be the single adviser of the Crown, 414 ; is recommended to come to terms with the Commons, 415 ; is ready to explain away the promises given to France to protect the Catholics, 417 : appears in Christchurch Hall to make a com- munication to the Commons, 418 ; offers to abandon the Catholics, explains his foreign policy, and declares that he has never acted without counsel, 419 ; as- sures the Commons that they may name their enemy, 420; his defence unsatis- factory, but sincere, 421 ; makes light of Charles's breach of faith with respect to the Catholics, 422 ; speaks rudely to Father BeruUc, 423 ; is named in the VOL. X. BUC House of Commons, 429; pleads against a dissolution, 430 ; expects to bring the nation round to his support, vi. i ; his calculations baffled by the continuance of the Civil War in France, 2 ; is sent by Charles to threaten or flatter the CJueen, 4 ; is to go to the Hague to be present at the Congress, and to pawn the Crown jewels, 7 : is warned by Cromwell of the danger of his isolation, 9 ; remains at Plymouth after the King's return, 12 ; sends Glanville to sea as Secretary of the fleet, 13 ; is partly answerable for the failure of the expedition to Cadiz, 21 ; proposes to visit France, 24 ; is refused permission to enter France, 25 ; is in- structed to require an engagement from Louis, in favour of the Huguenots, 26 ; is summoned to Salisbury to meet Blain- ville, 27 ; holds a conversation with Blainville, 28 ; is reconciled to Pembroke, 30 ; disposes of the King's patronage, 32 ; is delayed in crossing the sea by the Dunkirk privateers, 34 ; reaches the Hague, and proposes combined opera- tions against Dunkirk, 35 ; engages, in the Treaty of the Hague, that Charles will fulfil his obligations to the King of Denmark, 36 ; is refused permission to pass through France, and returns to England by sea, 37 ; Louis offers con- ditionally to receive, 38 ; fresh overtures addressed by Richelieu to, 39 ; is at Ply- mouth when French prizes are brought in, 41 ; attempt to borrow muney for the King of Denmark, ib. ; proposal to place him in command of a fleet for the relief of Rochelle, 44 ; informs Blainville that his master must succour Rochelle, 45 ; orders the ' St. Peter ' of Havre de Grace to be re-arrested, ^6; scolds the Queen for disobedience to her husband, 56 ; con- ference on Montague's book, held at the house of, 64 ; is petitioned for the release of the 'St. Peter,' 65 ; after a consul- tation with Marten, orders the release of the ' St. Peter,' 66 ; is declared by Dr. Turner to be the cause of all grievance^, 76 ; queries asked about the conduct of, 77 : explains away Charles's threat of dissolution, 83 ; vindicates his past con- duct, 84 ; charges voted against, upon common fame, 86 ; is accused by Bristol, 94 ; nature of the charges against, 96 : impeachment of, 98 ; listens to the charges brought against him on the first day's impeachment, 100 ; is absent on the se- cond day, loi ; Eliot sums up the charges against, 103 ; is compared to Sejanus, 105 ; interprets the language used by Digges as directed against the King, iii ; is put forward by Charles as a candidate for the Chancellorship of Cambridge, 115; is elected, 116 ; makes his defence to the impeachment, ;'/'. ; Charles orders that his case shall be tried in the Star Chamber, 123 : sentence given in favour of, 124 ; seeks to gain favour with the mobility, 242 INDEX. BUC 133 ; is surrounded by a mob of soldiers and sailors clamouring for pay, 138 ; ex- pects to get over the difficulties with France, 142; talks of renewing the French alliance, and entertains Bassompierre at York House, 145 ; proposes to go to France to negotiate a new alliance, 146 ; in spite of hints that his presence will not be acceptable, persists in offering to go, 147 ; is followed by a mob at Canter- bury, 148 ; determines to resist Riche- lieu's attempt to make France a naval power, 150; orders Pennington to attack French ships at Havre, 151 ; informs Richelieu that the French terms are in- admissible, 152 ; makes overtures to Spain, 160 ; sends Gerbier to Brussels to propose a suspension of arms, 161 ; in- forms Joachimi of his negotiation with Spain, 162 ; proposes to Charles to nego- tiate with Spain, 163 ; Walter Montague iniavour with, 167 ; hopes to be supported by the Duke of Rohan, 168 ; boasts that he will restore the reputation of the na\y, 169; sails from Stokes Bay, 171; ar- rives off the Isle of Rh^, 172 ; effects a landing, 173 ; finds that the Rochellese are unwilling to support him, 174 ; lays siege to St. Martin's, 175: pays compli- ments to Toiras, 176; is in need of re- inforcements, ib. : a French deserter attemnts to assassinate, 177; arrival of reinforcements for, 180 ; sends Ash- burnham to Paris to make overtures for peace, iSi ; cries out for fresh reinforce- ments, i6. ; fails to prevent the re victual- ling of St. Martin's, 182 ; obtains from the council of war a resolution to go on with the siege, 183 ; has hopes in Rohan's insurrection and Holland's reinforce- ments, 184 ; letters written from England to, 1S8 ; writes to his mother from Rhc, 189 ; receives warnings of his danger, 190 ; thinks of assaulting St. ^Martin's, 193 ; assaults St. Martin's, 196 ; is driven back, and retreats with the loss of a great part of his army, 197 ; re- embarks the remains of his army, 198 ; causes of th^ failure of, 199 ; lands at Plymouth and proposes an attack on Calais, 201 ; talks of continuing the var for many years, 217 ; is unable to satisfy the soldiers and sailors, 218 ; refuses to hear of peace, and advises the summoning of Parliament, 221 ; proposes the raising of a standing army, 223 ; re- solution of the leaders of the Commons not to repeat the attack on, 231 ; is dis- pleased with the forgery of a letter in the name ol one of the Jesuits arrested at Clerkenwell, 238 ; moves that the debate on committal be closed, 258 ; fails to per- suade the Lords to reject the Commons' resolutions, 259 ; approves of the Lords' amendment to the Petition of Right, 279 : urges the Lords to insist on the saving of the King's sovereign power, but after- wards e.\presses his readiness to be satis- BUC fied with a sa-ving of the prerogative, 281 ; asks the Lords to put to the vote the question whether there is to be a saving of the King's power, 282 ; loses his hold on the House of Lords, ii. ; protests in vain against the resolution of the Lords to give up the additional clause to the Petition of Right, 2S8 ; is attacked by Eliot, though his name is not mentioned, 299 ; is named by Coke as the cause of all miseries, 305 ; proposal of Selden tc renew the impeachment of, 306 ; a clause added to the Commons' Remonstrance in condemnation of, tb. ; does not oppose the wish of the Lords to have a better answer to the Petition of Right, 30S ; heads a deputation to ask Charles for an answer, 309 ; abandonment of Selden's proposal to renew the impeachment of, 315; the Commons ask for the dismissal of, 317 ; outrageous charges brought against, 318 ; Charles orders the removal from the file of all the documents relating to the Star Chamber prosecution of, 320 ; is refused permission to answer the complaints against him in the Remonstrance of the Commons, 2I). ; satires directed against, 321 ; wishes to limit the extent of the war, 331 ; proposes to go to Spain to negotiate a peace, 333 ; is reconciled to Williams, and listens to his advice, 340 ; gives his confidence to Carleton, 341 ; resigns the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports. 342 ; wishes for peace with France if it can be obtained without dishonour, 344 ; is despondent at the delay in fitting out the fleet, 345 ; approves of Conta- rini's wish to negotiate a peace between France and England, 346 ; has interviews with Charles and Coatarini about the peare, 347 ; is in danger tVom mutineers, 348 ; assassination of, 349 ; funeral of, 356 ; monument of, 357 ; estimate of the career of, 358. See Villiers, Sir George : Villiers, Lord ; Buckingham, Earl of, Buckingham, Marquis of Buckingham, Earl of, 1617-161S (George Villiers), patronage placed in his hands, iii. 75; opposes VeUerton's promotion, 79 ; is angry with Bacon for interfering with his brother's marriage, 94 ; his feel- ing towards Bacon reported by Yelver- ton, 96 ; takes Bacon into favour, 97 ; flatters Lady Hatton, 99 ; is created a Marquis, loi. Sec Villiers, Sir George ; A'illiers, Lord ; Buckingham, Marquis of ; Buckingham, Duke of r.uckingham. Marquis of, 1618-1624 (George Villiers), defends Gondomar in the Council, iii. 133 ; opposes the Howards, 185 : his lease of the Irish Customs, 186 ; makes up a quarrel with the Prince of Wales, 1S7 ; is displeased with Lake, 188 ; becomes Lord High Admiral, 205 ; administrative reforms patronised by, 206 ; asks that Suffolk may be leniently treated, 210 ; interferes, in the election for the Recordership, INDEX. =43 liUC C17 ; writes to Cottington on the Bohe- mian mediation, 2S3 ; urges James to defend the Palatinate, 332 ; is irritated by the news of Dutch outrages in the East, and deserts the war party, 353 ; courts Lady Catherine Manners, 354 : marriage of, 357 ; wishes Sir E. Cecil to command the volunteers for the Palati- nate, 358 ; brings forward a plan for the partition of the Dutch Republic, 359 ; favours the Spanish attack on the Palatinate, 365 : supports the monopoly of gold and silver thread, iv. 12 ; ob- jects to the withdrawal of the patents, 21 ; alleged particif ation in the profits of the gold and silver thread mono- poly, ih. ; is alarmed at the proceed- ings against RIompesson, and attacks the referees, 45 ; consults Williams, 51 ; resolves to throw over the monopolists, 52 ; quarrels with Southampton, 54 ; visits Bacon, 72 ; advocates a dissolution of Parliament, 85 ; abandons Bacon's defence, 87 ; raises points in Bacon's favour, 89 ; asks that Bacon may not be summoned to the bar, 93 ; charge brought by Yelverton against, 112 ; wishes the King to punish Yelverton, 113 ; moves that Yelverton shall be censured by the Lords, 114 ; boasts that he is ' Parliament proof,' 116; sets the political prisoners at liberty, 137 ; application of the Dutch Commissioners to, i86 ; is hostile to the Dutch, 226 ; becomes security for the repayment of money advanced by j\lan- deville, 227 ; betrays Frederick's cor- respondence to Gondomar, 228 ; urges the dissolution of the Parliament of 1621, 265 ; congratulates Gondomar on the dissolution, ib. ; wishes to buy York House from Bacon, 277 ; purchases Wallingford House, and gets possession of York House, 279 ; is on friendly terms with the Howards, and is almost per- suaded to become a Roman Catholic, ih. ; is confirmed together with many of his relations, 280 ; is present at conferences between White and Laud on one side, ai d Fisher on the other, ib. ; offers to treat Laud as a confessor, 281 ; com- plains to Gondomar of the state of the negotiations for the marriage treaty, 354 ; buys New Hall, 364 ; is in a war- like mood after the fall of Heidelberg, 365 ; nature of the influence exercised over Charles by, 368 ; employs Porter to carry on a correspondence with Gon- domar, 370 ; opposes James in the Ciuncil, 373 ; proposes the Ie\'y of c;:other Benevolence, 375 ; is to fetch i-v^me the Infanta, 409 ; exercises influ- ence over Charles, v. i ; acquaints James with his intention of taking the Prince to Spain, 2 ; persuades James to consent to the journey to Spain, 3 ; threatens Cottington for opposing the journey, 5 ; wishes to be reconciled with those whom he had oflfended, ib. ; sets ofi' for Spain, BUR 6 ; arrives in Paris, 7 ; outcry in Eng- land against, 9 ; reaches Madrid, 10 ; is presented to Philip IV., 13 ; assures Ohvares that the Prince has not come to be converted, 14 ; writes to James about the Infanta's beauty, 19 ; informs Olivares that he has no power to grant liberty of worship in England, 20 ; re- fuses to surrender a fortress to the English Catholics, but is satisfied with the promises of Olivares, 23 ; is offended at the transference of the Electorate, 25 : offers to listen to a conference o!i religion, 28 ; takes part in a theological disputation, 29 ; expects to be able to return soon, 31 ; quarrels with Don Francisco Giron, 34 ; behaves with rude- ness at a religious conference, 35 ; takes Charles to the English service at Bris- tol's house, 37 ; quarrels with Olivares, 38 ; threatens the Nuncio, 42 ; infonu'-- Olivares that the Prince intends to leave Madrid, 46 ; offers to engage that the laws against the Catholics shall be re- pealed, 47 ; is angry at the announce- ment that the Infanta is to remain in Spain after the marriage, 48 ; is irri- tated by the decision of the Junta of Theologians, 51 ; is created a Duke, 54. See Villiers, Sir George ; Villiers, Lord; Buckingham, Earl of; Bucking- ham, Duke of Buckinghamshire, muster of trained bands in churchyards in, viii. 11 1 ; difficulty in obtaining payment of coat-and-con- duct money in, ix. 141 ; \e.\y of soldiers resisted in, 160 ; petitioners from, x. 149 : gentry and freeholders of, ride up to support Parliament, 154 Bucquoi, Count, commands the Imperialists in Bohemia, iii. 271 ; defeats Mansfeld, 304 ; is defeated and slain, iv. 205 Budweis, remains in the hands of the Im- perialists, iii. 278 Bufalo, Cardinal del, sends a message to James, i. 140 Buildings, fines on, commission for im- posing, ii. 305 ; remission of, 306 Bullion in the Tower, seized by the King, ix. 170 Bungay, Brent's report of the metropoliti- cal \'isitation of, viii. 109 Burgess, Dr. Cornelius, presents the peti- tion of the clergy to the King, i.v. 207 ; preaches before the House of Commons, 237 ; urges that the revenues of deans and chapters may be applied to Church purposes, 379 Burghley, Lord, 1571-1598 (William Cecil), reproves Essex, i. 103 Burntisland, Charles is nearly drowned in crossing Irom, vii. 290 Burton, Henrj', is dismissed from Court and becomes Rector of St. Matthew's in Friday Street, vii. 12 ; criticises Cosin's De-jotions, ib. ; publishes J' or God and the King, viii. 226 ; is tried and sentenced in the Star Chamber, R 2 =44 INDEX. BUS 228 ; stands in the pillory, 231 ; is im- prisoned in Guernsey, 233 ; the Com- mons order the liberation of, ix. 236 ; enters London in triumph, 242 ; the Commons vote reparation to, 298 ; his Protestation. Protested, x. 55 Bustamente, Francisco de, surrenders Fort Puntal, vi. 17 Buttevant, Lord, 1581-1617 (David Fitz- James), writes to Salisbury on the treat- ment of "the Catholics in Munster, i. 399 Button, Sir Thomas, Is a member of the Council of War, v. 223 Buwinckhausen de Walmerode, Benja- min, sent by the Union as ambassador to James, iii. 330 : his reception, 333 ; asks James to defend the Palatinate, 339 ; leaves England, 341 Byrnes, of Wicklow, the, treatment of, by Falkland, viii. 21 Byron, Sir John, appointed Lieutenant of the Tower, x. 112; secures the Tower for the King, 134 ; is summoned before the Lords, 154 ; refuses to leave the Tower, 155 ; is unable to maintain the Tower against- Skippon, 162; is super- seded by Conyers, 165 Cabinet Council, introduction of the term, ix. 293 Cadenet, Marquis of, is sent to England to propose a French alliance, iii. 389 Cadiz, expedition prepared in England against, vi. 10 ; the English fleet sails up the bay of, 15 ; smallness of the Spanish gamson of, 16 ; entrance of reinforcements into, 17 : abandonment by the English of their attempt on, 20 Caerlaverock Castle, is held for the King, ix. 2 ; is taken by the Covenanters, 207 Cassar, Sir Charles, buys the Mastership of the Rolls, ix. 7 ; use of the money paid by, 25 Caesar, Sir Julius, is a member of the first Parliament of James L, i. 163 ; is Chan- cellor of the Exchequer and a Commis- sioner of the Treasury', ii. "U5 ; reports on the state of the exche<,t:er, 199 ; asks for a grant of supply, 236 ; becomes Master of the Rolls, 260 ; gives his opinion on the preparation for a Parlia- ment, 365 ; is appointed a Commissioner to examine Raleigh, iii. 141 Calais, goods passed over the frontier of the Spanish Netherlands from, vi. 40 ; Buckingham proposes an attack on, 201 ; the post-boat rifled by a privateer from, vii. 389 Calamy, Edmund, is one of the authors of the pamphlet known under the name of Smectymnuus, ix. 390 ; preaches before the House of Commons at St. -Margaret's, 415 Calderwood, David, banishment of, iii. 227 Calthorpe, Henrj', defends the five knights, vi. 213 ; defends Valentine in the Kmg's Bench, vii. ii6 CAP Calvert, George, employed as a Commis- sioner to Ireland, ii. 295. See Calvert, Sir George ; Baltimore, ist Lord Calvert, Leonard, is deputed by Loi-d Bal- timore to act as Governor in Maryland, viii. 180 Calvert, Sir George, becomes Secretary of State, iii. 194 ; asks for supply, iv. 29 ; explains that the King allows liberty of speech, 30 ; makes a demand for money for an army, 32 ; announces James's wish to refer Bacon's case to a new tribunal, 68 ; gives explanations on the imprison- ment of Sandys, 234 ; asks for an im- mediate grant of supply, 237 ; accepts Coke's explanation of the King's attack on the privileges of the Commons, 25^ ; advocates a more decided policy in Germany, 411 ; reads the public articles of the marriage treaty at Whitehall, v. 68 ; negotiates with the Spanish ambas- sadors on the relaxation of the penal laws, 98 ; listens to a proposal from the Spanish ambassadors for the pacification of Ger- many, 131 ; votes against war with Spain, 178 ; resigns the Secretaryship and declares himself a Catholic, 309 ; is created Lord Baltimore, 310. See Cal- vert, George ; Baltimore, ist Lord Calvinism, character of, i. 16 ; opposition in England to its system of Church government, 18 ; its relation to Presby- terianism, 22 ; its relation to liberty, 24 ; Richard Montague's opposition to, v. 352 ; influence of, in England, 355 : reaction against, 357 : complaint of the Commons that Charles has discounte- nanced, vi. 316 Cambridge, the University of, opposes the miilennary petition, i. 150 : James's visit to, ii. 320 ; vacancy in the Chan- cellorship of, vi. 115; election of Buck- ingham to the Chancellorship of, 116 ; influence of Sibbes at, vii. 260 ; resists Laud's claim to visit, viii. 147 ; gives 6,000/ to the King, x. 2:2 ; Cromwell seizes the college plate on its way to the King from, 218 Camerarius, Ludwig, predicts that Mans- feld will fail, v. 272 Camerino, Cardinal, proposes to send Ea- ronius's history to James, i. 225 Camiola, ^lassinger's character of, vii. 337 . Canaries, the, Raleigh s visit to, 111. 113 Canons, drawn up in 1604, i. 195 ; drawn up in 1606, 289 ; the Scottish, viii. 309 : Charles abandons the Scottish, 363 ; the -Assembly of Glasgow abolishes the Scot- tish, 373 ; drawn up by Convocation in 1640, ix. 143 ; the Commons condemn the new, 248 Cant, -Andrew, accompanies Montrose to Aberdeen, viii. 360 Canterbury, Charles at, v. 333 ; _ Buckinn;- ham meets Bassompierre at, vi. 147 Capel, Sir .\rthur, presents a petition from Hertfordshire, ix. 224 ; declares that the INDEX. 245 CAP Lords ought to compel Strafford to answer, 292 : supports Pym's proposal to compel the Londoners to lend, 295 Capuchins, of Henrietta Maria's house- hold, the, Chateauneuf proposes to place a bishop in charge of, vii. 106 Carapana, a chief On the Orinoco, ii. 374 Cardenas, Alonso de, publishes a statement about Charles's negotiation with the Em- peror, viii. 377 ; is suspended from inter- course with the Court, 378 ; bargains for the purchase of gunpowder for Oquen- do's fleet, ix. 61 ; tells Windebank that he does not hope to obtain money from Spain, 62 ; bargains with Newport for the transport of soldiers to Dunkirk, 64 : hears of the attack on the fleet in the Downs, 67 Cardinal Infant, the (Ferdinand), succeeds the Infanta Isabella as Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, vii. 346 ; in con- junction with the King of Hungarj' takes Ratisbon and defeats the Swedes at Nordlingen, 372 ; is unable to send money to Charles, 384 ; invades France, viii. 161 ; attempt of Charles to obtain the acknowledgment of his fishing licences from, 218 ; sanctions a negotiation of Gerbier with the Princess of Pfalzburg, 377 ; refuses to lend Spanish troops to Charles, 387 Carew, Lord, 1605 (George Carew), sent to report on the plantation of Ulster, i. 441 ; pleads for Raleigh, iii. 135 ; is a member of the Council of War, v. 223 : is created Earl of Totness, vi. 50. Sec Carew, Sir George ; Totness, Earl of Carew, Sir George, is President of Mun- ster, i. 364. See Carew, Lord Carew, Sir George, becomes IMaster of the Wards, ii. 148 ; death of, 206 Carew, 'Thomas, his lines on the death of Gustavus, vii. 208 Carey, Lady, has charge of Prince Charles, iii. 36 Carey, Sir George {Lord Deputy 0/ Ire- land, 1603-1604), protests against the scheme for the alteration of the coinage, i. 372 ; is recalled, 373 Carey, Sir Robert, carries tlie news of Elizabeth's death to James, i. 86 Carleton, Lord, 1626 (Dudley Carleton), is sent on a mission to France, vi. 136 ; informs Louis of the expulsion of the Queen's French attendants, 137 ; is re- called, 138 ; acquaints Joachimi with Buckingham's negotiation with Spain, 162 ; is sent on a mission to the Hague, 163 ; remonstrates against the building of French ships in Dutch harbours, 187 ; becomes Buckingham's confidant and is created Viscount Dorchester, 341. See Carleton, Sir Dudley ; Dorchester, Vis- count Carleton, Sir Dudley, is sent as ambassa- dor to the Hague, ii. 396 ; fails in ob- taining the e.xecution of the Treaty of Xanten, 397 ; is a candidate for the CAR Secretaryship after Winwood's death, iii. loi ; complains that he has not been re- warded by the East India Company, iv. 79 ; complains of Frederick, 211 ; urges the Prince of Orange to allow Dunkirk privateers to escape from Leithand Aber- deen, V. 80 ; demands the arrest of the Dutch captains who had attacked a pri- vateer at Leith, 83 ; raises a loan for Mansfeld's army, 335 ; is made Vice- Chamberlain and a Privy Councillor, and sent, together with Holland, on a mission to France, to mediate peace between Louis and the Huguenots, vi. 39 : ne- gotiates, together with Holland, a peace in France, 50 ; announces that the Eng- lish ships which had been used against Rochelle will soon be restored, 85 ; de- fends the imprisonment of Eliot and Digges, 109 ; narrates his experience of the misery of France, as a warning against obliging the King to discontinue Parliaments, no ; asks the Commons to clear Eliot of all that he has done as a member, 112 ; informs the House that Eliot has been liberated, 113 ; is made Lord Carleton, 115. See Carleton, Lord ; Dorchester, Viscount. Carlisle, to be put in a state of defence, viii. 344 ; Cumberland sent to command at,. 385 Carlisle, ist Earl of, 1622-1636 (James Hay), is sent to Paris to prevent obsta- cles being thrown in the way of the Prince's journey, v. 8 ; takes part in the banquet after James had sworn to the public articles of the marriage treaty with Spain, 69 ; votes in the Committee on Spanish affairs for war with Spain, 177; conducts Mansfeld to Rochester, 223 ; is sent as special ambassador to France to conduct the negotiations for the mar- riage treaty, 248 ; his reception in Paris 249 ; acquaints James with La Vieuville's demands for the Catholics, 252 ; appeals, to the Queen JNIother, 256 ; is indignant at the terras required by Richelieu, 259 ; advises Charles to threaten the French ambassador, 268 ; informs Charles that the French will not make a league with him, 327 ; Eliot's opinion of, 399 ; tries to irritate the Peers against Bristol, vi. 97 ; is sent on a mission to the Continent, 218 ; is sent to Lorraine and Italy, 332 ; opposes Richelieu, 370 ; recommends a Spanish alliance, 371 ; returns from his mission, 373 ; splendid hospitality of, vii. 105 ; receives a grant in lieu of the repayment of the debt owed to him, 166 ; assures Panzani that he is ready to ac- cept all the doctrines taught at Rome except that of the Pope's deposing power, viii. 137. See Hay, Lord ; Doncaster, Viscount Carlisle, 2nd Earl of, 1636 (James Hay), acknowledges that he has voted against his conscience, ix. in Carlisle, Countess of, is the reigning beauty 246 INDEX. CAR at Whitehall, viii. 156 ; supports Leices- ter's candidature for the Secretaryship, ix. 85 ; her friendship for Strafford, 86 ; her political alliance with Pym, 376 ; in- forms Essex that Charles is coming to the House, x. 136 ; wishes Charles to delay his departure from Whitehall, 149 Carnarvon, Earl of, 1628 (Robert Dormer), criticises The Floating Island, viii. 150 Caron, Noel de, Dutch ambassador in England, is allowed to levj' a regiment in Scotland, i. 207 ; asks James to sur- render the cautionary towns, ii. 383 ; proposes a negotiation about the disputes in the East, iii. 171 ; regrets the aliena- tion between England and the Dutch, iv. 226 : death of, v. 312 Carondelet, Archdeacon of Cambrai, James complains of Charles and Buckingham to, V. 194 ; has a private audience of James, 20-/ ; his secret intercourse with the King discovered by Williams, 210 Carr, Sir Robert, early life of, ii. 42 ; ac- quires the manor of Sherborne, 46 ; urges James to dissojve Parliament, 109 ; is created Viscount Rochester, in. See Rochester, Viscount ; Somerset, Earl of Carrickfergus, Wandesford expects the Irish army to rendezvous at, ix. 156 ; the infantry of the army at, 183 Cartignana, Count of, Savoyard am- bassador in England, ii. 137 ; returns to Turin, 140 Cartwright, Thomas, wishes magistrates to assist the clergy in maintaining disci- pline, i. 25 ; defends Presbyterianism against Whitgift, 27 ; attacks the Sepa- ratists, 38 Cartwright, William, his Royal Slave per- formed at Oxford, viii. 152 Carvajal, Donna Luisa de, lives in Eng- land, ii. 221 ; is imprisoned, 222 ; release of, 223 Carver, John, first governor of New Eng- land, iv. 162 ; death of, 168 Cary, Lorenzo, is promoted bj' Charles in spite of Wentworth's wish, viii. 38 Cary, Lucius, is dismissed from the Irish army, and challenges Sir Francis Wil- loughby, viii. 255 ; succeeds his father as Viscount Falkland, 256. See Falkland, Viscount- Cary, Sir Henry, is created Viscount Falk- land, iv. 38. See Falkland, Viscount Casale, Richelieu raises the siege of, vii. 99 Castara, Habington's, vii. 340 Castelnaudarj', defeat of Montmorency at, vii. 213 Castle Chamber, the Irish Court of, pun- ishes the jurymen who acquitted Mead, i. 371 ; attempt to suppress recusancy by means of, 392 ; petition against the as- sumed jurisdiction of, 393 ; resistance to the fines imposed by, 394 ; violent pro- 1 eedings of, 305 ; abandonment of the attempt to impose fines on recusants in, :-99 : the Gal way jury summoned before, iiL 62 CAT Castleton, Samuel, sent to the Spice Is- lands, iii. 167 Catalonia, rebellion of, ix. 348 Catesby, George, declares himself to be master of his own purse, vi. 202 Catesby, Robert, consults Garnet, i. 99 ; hopes that the King of Spain will send an army to England, 140, 234. See Gun- powder Plot. Catholics, the English, persecuted by Henry VIII., i. 10; and by Elizabeth, 14 ; grievances of, 96 ; expect better treatment from James, . 97 ; intention formed by James respecting, 100 ; the recusancy fines again collected from, loi ; support James's title, 108 ; plot formed amongst, 109 ; receive a promise that the fines will be remitted, 115 ; are urged by the Pope to abstain from in- surrection, 140 ; James promises not to exact the fines from, 141 ; increase of, 143 ; banishment of their priests, 144 ; James's views on their treatment, 166 ; vacillation in James's intentions to- wards, 201 ; alarm taken by James at the increase in the numbers of, 202 ; Act of 1604 directed against, 203 ; the law put in force by the judges against, 221 ; attempt to deal with, by banishing the priests and sparing the laity, 222 ; are harshly treated in Lancashire, 223 ; the recusancy fines demanded from the wealthiest, 224 ; the penal laws to be put in force against, 227 ; amount of the fines levied from, 228 ; Protestant view of the treatment of, 230 ; difficulties in the waj- of granting toleration to, 231 ; discontent among, 241 ; new laws against, after the Gunpowder Plot, 287 ; an oath of allegiance imposed on, 288 ; banish- ment of their priests, ii. 15 ; proposal to purchase toleration for, 18 : persecution of. after the Gunpowder Plot, ib. ; con- templated toleration of, 30 ; continued ill- treatment of, 164 ; improved prospects of, 257 ; milder treatment of, iii. 345 ; James professes to engage himself by letter on behalf of, 346 ; are accused of rejoicing at Frederick's defeat in Bohemia, iv. 29 ; James refuses to persecute. 34 ; prospects of toleration for, 289 ; release from im- prisonment of, 349 ; oath taken by the Privy Councillors not to exact penalties from, v. 69 ; discussion on the mode in which James is to give efl'ect to the articles in the Spanish marriage treaty in relief of, 98 ; agreement made at Salis- bury for the relief of, 99 ; Jam_es signs a pardon and dispensation for, 125 ; delay in the issue of the Acts in favour of, 126 ; continuance of the delay in relieving, 142 ; accident at Blackfriars to an assembly of, 16. ; James explains his treatment of, 183 ; Bill for increasing the penalties of, 185 ; Eliot proposes to fit out a fleet with, the fines of, 191 ; bitterness of feeling in England against, 206 ; petition for the e:;ecution of the penal laws against, 208 ; INDEX. 247 CAT Charles swears that they shall have no benefit by the French marriage treaty, 222 ; James confirms his son's declara- tion against, 225 ; refusal of the French Government to §0 on with the marriage treaty without including, 250; suspen- sion of the proceedings against, 263 ; signature by Charles of an engagement in favour of, 277 ; suspension of the penal laws against, 278 ; order given by Charles to stay all proceedings against, 326 ; are informed that they must not expect relief till after the session of Parliament is over, 329 ; SejTnour moves that the Uws be executed against, 342 ; Charles declares his intention of executing the laws against, 573 ; disappointrnent of Henrietta jNlaria at Charles's failure to observe his promises to, 376 ; protests of the French ambassadors in favour of, 377 ; Williams advises Charles on the best mode of dealing with, 395 ; attack by the Commons on the issue of pardons 'Oj 397 '• declaration of Buckingham that the laws will be executed against, 419 ; protests of the Bishop of Mende and Father Berulle on behalf of, 422 ; banishment of the priests of, vi. 3 ; re- monstrances of Blainville on behalf of, 27 ; enforcement of the penal laws against, 32 ; are hindered from going to mass at Blainviile's chapel, 70 ; attempt of Charles to buy off the opposition of Parliament by persecuting, 237 ; gracious reception by Charles of the petition of the Houses against, 246 ; the Commons complain of the favour shown to, 316 ; the Commons repeat their complaint of the lenient treatment of, vii. 57 ; con- verts to the doctrines of, viii. 127 ; im- proved condition of, 130 ; divisions amongst the clergy of, 131 ; numbers and moral position of, 132 ; Panzani's mission on behalf of, 133 ; Panzani re- ports the prevalence at Court of the doctrines of, 136 ; position of in Mary- land, i8o ; Laud wishes that the laws may be executed against, 235 ; efforts of Con on behalf of, 236 ; numerous con- verts added to, 238 ; struggle between Laud and the Queen on the proposed execution of the laws against, 239 ; Charles modifies hisproclamation against, 241 ; contribute to the war against Scot- land, ix. 26 ; the (Jueen fears that the Short Parliament will persecute, 87 ; at- tempts made to get money from, 157 ; are placed in military command, 159 ; ill-feeling of the soldiers against, 172 ; supposed plot formed by, 227 ; are asked to fast in support of the Queen's inten- tion, 233 ; are dismissed from the army in the North, 243 ; liberty of worship offered by Charles to, 252 ; the Commons demand an account of the contributions of. 269 ; both Houses ask the King to execute the laws against, ib. ; are thrown -over by Charles, 272 ; demand of the CEC Lords for the disarmament of, 325 ; are questioned on their behaviour, 374 ; charges brougnt against, 375 ; renewal of the persecution of, 411 ; renewed fear of a plot formed by, x. 72 ; hard con- dition of, 97 Catholics, the Irish. See Ireland Cautionary towns, surrendered to the Dutch, ii. 383 Cavaliers, origin of the name of, x. 121 ; follow Lunsford to Kingston, 154 ; are dispersed by the Surrey trained bands, Cavan, Chichester's visit to, i. 404 ; treat- j ment of the English settlers in, x. 56 I Cavendish, Lord, buys the earldom of Devonshire, iii. 215 Cayenne, the, Raleigh arrives at the mouth of, iii. n6 Cecil of Essendon, Lord, 1603-1604 (Robert Cecil), his views on the peace with Spain, i. 103 ; is informed of Watson's plot, 114 ; his conduct towards Raleigh, 117; sup- ports Raleigh at his trial, 131 ; moves for a conference on purveyance, 170 ; advises James not to hasten the union with Scotland, 177 ; is unable to give good advice on ecclesiastical questions, 194 ; his opinion on the treatment of nonconformists, 199, 200 ; takes part in the negotiation with Spain, 208 ; explains that the Dutch will not suffer from the treaty with Spain, 209 ; becomes Vis- count Cranborne, 214. See Cecil, Sir Robert ; Cranborne, Viscount ; Salisbury, Earl of Cecil, Sir Edward, commands the English troops at the siege of Juliers, ii. 9S ; is a candidate for the command of the volun- teers for the Palatinate, and quarrels with Dohna, iii. 358 ; is a member of the Council of War, 388 ; speech in the House of Commons falsely attributed to, iv. 28 ; seconds Perrot's motion for the defence of the Palatinate, 129; is again memberof the Council of War, v. 223; is appointed commander of the expedition against Cadiz, vi. 10 ; is dissatisfied with the force committed to him, 11 ; is pro- mised the title of Viscount Wimbledon, 12 ; maintains or^^er with difficulty in the fleet at Plymouth, 14 ; by the ad- vice of a council of war he resolves to land at St. Mary Port, but on seeing Essex sail up Cadiz harbour orders the fleet to follow, 15 ; orders an attack on Fort Puntal, 16 ; marches towards the north end of the island, 18 ; lets his men get drunk, and returns to Puntal, 19 ; abandons the attempt on Cadiz, and sails to look for the Mexico fleet, 20 ; returns to England, 21. See Wimbledon, Viscount Cecil, Sir Robert, Secretary of State to Elizabeth, i. 82 ; enters into a secret correspondence with James, 83 ; his character and position, 90 ; is raised to the peerage, loi. See Cecil of Essendon, 24S TA^DEX. CEL Lord : Oanborne, Viscount ; Salisburj-, Ear! of Celibacy, Massinger's opinion on, vii. 337 : Panzani's report on English opinion on clerical, viii. 136 Cervantes writes Don Quixote, i. 41 Chaderton, Lawrence, takes part in the Hampton Court Conference, i. 153 Chalcedon, Bishop of. See Bishop, William, and Smith, William Cham, surrender of, to the Bavarians, iv. 219 Chambers, Richard, 5s committed by the Council for contemptuous words, vii. 4 ; applies for a habeas corpus, and is bailed, ib.; is prosecuted in the Star Chamber, 5 ; addresses a petition to the Commons, 37 ; is sentenced in the Star Chamber, and refuses to acknowledge his offence, 85 ; brings an action against the Custom House officers, 86 ; questions the juris- diction of the Star Chamber in the Court of Exchequer, 114 ; postponement of the case of, 168 ; attempts to obtain a de- cision on the legality of ship-money from the King's Bench, viii. 103 ; pays ship- money and brings an action against the Lord Mayor, 281 ; postponement of the argument in the case of, ix. 161 Chancery, the Court of, attack by Coke on the jurisdiction of, iii. 10; Bill for the reform of, iv. 109 Chancey, Sir William, case of, in the High Commission Court, ii. 122 Chaplains, position of, vii. 304 Charenton, visit of Holland and Carleton to the Huguenot church at, vi. 52 Charity Mistaken, written by Knott, viii. 260 Charlemont, massacre of Irish women' at, ■'''• ^75 ... Charles IIL, Duke of Lorraine, mission of Walter Montague to, vi. 16S ; does nothing to support Buckingham, 176 ; ( Gaston takes refuge with, vii. 184 ; attack of Richelieu on, 195 ; surrenders three of his fortresses to France, 198 ; is driven into exile, 347 Charles I. {Kins' oj" England, Scotland, and Ireland, 1625), opinion of Ville-aux- Clercs on the character of, v. 317 ; de- fects of, as a ruler, 318 ; establishes him- self at Whitehall, 319 ; wishes James's Parliament to meet after the King's death, 320 ; keeps order in his Court, 321 ; is eager to fit out the fleet to be used against Spain, and engages to sup- ply money to the King of France, 323 : gathers a land force, 324 ; is married by proxy, 325 ; orders all proceedings against the Catholics to be stayed, 326 ; his first interview with his wife, 333 ; his first matrimonial dispute, 334 ; enters Lon- don with the Queen, ib. ; financial en- gagements of, 336 ; opens his first Par- liament, 337 ; tells the Commons that they have brought him into the war, 338 ; makes a good i.mpression on the Com- CHA mons, 339 ; makes no definite demand 340 ; is not opposed to persecution, 344 ; answers the grievances of the Commons, and proposes to end the session, 348 ; listens to Laud, 363 ; financial difficulties of, 365 ; resolves to ask for a further grant, 366 ; objects to the committal of Montague, as being his chaplain, 372 ; adjourns the Houses to Oxford, and an- nounces his intention of executing the recusancy laws, 373 ; domestic troubles ofi 375 ; remonstrates with the Queen m the arrangementsof her household, 376; orders the liberation of priests to accom- pany Effiat to France, 377 ; is in diifi- culty about Pennington's fleet, 378 ; double-dealing of, 379 ; is urged by the French to allow the fleet to be used against Rochelle, 381 ; sends further instructions to Pennington, ib. ; orders Pennington to return to Dieppe, and deliver his ships to the French, 382 ; is in a dilemma how to deal with the Catho- lics, 39s ; summons the Houses before him in Christchurch Hall, 403 ; asks for supply, and empowers Conway to explain his wants, 404 ; directs Sir J. Coke to give further explanations, 403 ; resolves to send the fleet to the Spanish coast, 406 ; sends a message to the Commons, begging for immediate supply, 423 ; in- sists upon dissolving Parliament, 430 ; dissolves his first Parliament, 432 ; con- tinues his confidence in Buckingham, 433 ; with the consent of the Privy Coun- cil, banishes the priests and issues Privy Seals, vi. 3 ; is on bad terms with the Queen, ib. ; wishes the Queen to admit English Ladies of the Bedchamber to her service, 4 ; agrees to the treaty of Southampton with the Dutch, and breaks openly with Spain, 6 ; resolves to send Buckingham to the Hague to pawn the Crown jewels, and to attend the Con- gress, 7 ; reviews the fleet and troops at Plymouth, 12 ; makes excuses for his treatment of the English Catholics, 27 ; hesitates to restore a ship seized by Sou- bise, and refuses to discuss with Blain- ville the question of the Queen's house- hold, 28 ; makes the Opposition leaders sheriffs, 33 ; declares that Wentworth is an honest gentleman, ib. ; orders the issue of writs for a new Parliament, 37 ; informs the Bishop of Mende of his reso- lution to introduce English ladies into the Queen's household, 38 ; orders French prize goods to be sold, 41 ; hesitates whether he shall proceed with the sale, 42 ; wishes to come to a compromise, 43 ; resolves to relieve Rochelle, 44 ; insists upon the fulfilment by Louis of the terms of the Treaty of Montpellier, 47 ; is dis- pleased at the Queen's refusal to be crowned, 48 ; coronation of, 49 ; is dis- pleased with the terms granted by Louis to the Huguenots, 53 : orders Holland and Carleton to insist on the recognition. IXDEX. 249 CHA of their master's mediation, 54 : treats the offer of b'rench co-operation with XQ- poses a marriage between his son and the Princess Elizabeth, ii. 23 renews the pro- posal with one for a marriage between his daughter and the Prince of Wales, 137, 153 ; is helped by James in his war with Spain, 321; sends Scarnaffissi toask James for further assistance against Spain, iii. 49 ; makes peace with Spain, 52 ; offers ilansfeld's regiment to the Princes of the Union, 277 ; professes his desire to attack the House of Austria, 291 ; draws back, 294 ; Wake's mission to, v. 174 ; joins the League for the recovery of the Valielline, and engages to attack Genoa, 265 : asks James for ships and money to employ against Genoa, 301 ; mission of Walter Montague to, vi. 168 ; wants an English army to support him, 176 ; refuses to he'p Charles till St. Martin's is taken, 185 ; wishes to obtain part of the Duchy of Montferrat, 332 ; is compelled to separate himself from Spain, vii. 99 Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine 1632, sup- port given by Charles to, vii. 215 ; pro- posal of Charles to send him at the head of an army first to the Palatinate, and then to join the Duke of h'eria ; 349; is forliidden to go to the Palatinate, 351 ; position assigned by the Peace of J'rague to, 3S8 : is directed by Charles to make a formal submis-ion to the Emperor, viii. 83 : visits England, 9 i : refusal of the French ambassador to give the title of Electoral Highness to, ib. ; Necolalde gives the title to, 100 ; pro- VOL. X. CHA posal for the marriage of, with the Emperor's daughter, loi ; receives a degree at Cambridge, and confers de- grees at Oxford, 151 ; is allowed a pension by the King, 164 ; proposed loan of ships to, 204 ; preparations made for sending to sea, 210 ; returns to Holland, 219; buys the garrison of Meppen, but loses the place to the Im- perialists, 376 : proposal to send a Scottish army to the aid of, ix. 42 ; negotiates with Bernhard of Weimar, 57 ; sets out for Alsace, hoping to obtain the command of Bernhard's troops, 64 ; parses Paris in disguise, 69 ; is captured and imprisoned, 70 : absents himself from the marriage of the Princess Mary, 348 ; manifesto in favour of, 405 ; ac- companies the King to Scotland, x. 3; accompanies the King in the attempt on the five members, 137 Charles, Prince (Dit/ce of York, 1605), proposal to marry the Princess Christina to, ii. 223, 314, 390, 396 ; is created Prince of Wales, iii. 35. See Charles, Prince of Wales ; Charles I. Charles (Piiiice 0/ M ales, 1616), quarrels with Buckingham, and is reconciled to him, iii. 187 ; visits his mother before her death, 294 ; wishes his sister to be supported in Bohemia, 326 ; Gondomar's opinion of the character of, 347 ; is informed of the scheme of Gondomar and Buckingham for the partition of the Netherlands, 360 ; pays 3,000/. to the Benevolence. 373 ; is distressed by the news of the Battle of Prague, 386 ; brings Bacon's petition before the Lords, iv. 93 ; speaks in Bacon's favour, 102 ; wishes the King to punish Yelverton, 113; character of, 305; influence of Buckingham over, 368 ; is not anxious to marry the Infanta, ib. ; admits a Roman Catholic amongst the commis- sioners of his revenue, and promises to visit Madrid, 369 ; talks of taking the command of an army to recover the Palatinate, 372 ; opposes his father's wish to be content with Spanish pro- mises, 373 ; signs the marriage articles as amended in Spain, 3(^8 ; forms a plan for a journey to Spam, v. i ; ob- tains his father's consent to the journey, 3 ; sets out from Newhall, 6 ; arrives in Paris and sees Henrietta Maria. 7 ; arrives in Spain, 9 ; reaches Madrid, 10 : is supposed to intend to change his religion, 11 ; his fir-t interview with Philip IV., 14 ; attempts made to con- vert, 16; is angry with Bristol for supposing that he intends to change his religion, 17 ; is lodged in the palace, and applauded by the people of Madrid, 18 ; admires the Infanta, 19 ; receives Pastrana, 24 ; is allowed to pay his respects to the Infanta, 29 ; is informed by Olivares that a dispensation will be granted for his marriage, 33 ; dines in 258 INDEX. CHA state on St. George's Day, and takes part in a religious conference, 34 ; is not allowed the exercise of his religion in the Royal Palace. 37 ; additional articles demanded by the Pope from, 38 ; objects to the additional articles, 39 ; makes fresh offers, 42 ; is obliged to dismiss his attendants, 43 ; is told that Purgatory is in Spain ; 44 ; proposes to leave Spain, but abandons the idea, 46 ; is angry at the announcement that the Infanta is to remain in Spain after her mar- riage, but offers further concessions, 48 ; replies to the Pope's letter, 49 ; is informed cf the decision of the Junta of Theologians, and prepares to leave Madrid, 51 ; leaps over a wall to speak to the Infanta, 52 ; continues to hope that the Infanta will be allowed to accompany him, and decides to remain in Spain, 53 ; asks his father to send him full powers, 55 : ma'ices another attempt to induce the Spaniards to change their deci-ion, 59 ; is said to watch the Infanta as a cat watches a mouse, 60 ; informs Olivares that his fnher had ordered him to return to England, 61 ; finding that he will not be allowed to bring the Infanta with him, declares his intention of leaving Spain, 62 ; assures Philip of his readiness to ac- cept the marriage articles, 63 ; hopes that the demand for a Parliamentary confir- mation of the articles will be withdrawn, 64 ; has fresh articles presented to him by Olivares, 89 ; accepts them, 90 ; signs the marriage contract, 92 ; is surprised at his father's conscientious scruples, /(^. ; hopes to bring the Infanta with him, p3 ; day fi.xed for the departure of, 96 ; IS informed by the Countess of Olivares that he may take the Infanta with him, 97 : oflfers to remain in Spain after his marriage, but again urges the Spanish Government to allow the Infanta to accompany him, ici ; cannot make up his mind to go or stay, 102 ; resolves to go, 103 ; converses with Olivares on the marriage of the Electoral Prince with the Emperor's daughter, 105 ; is angry at the announcement that Spain will not agree to" a restitution of the Electorate to Frederick, 108 ; writes down from memory a letter shown to him by Oli- vares, 112 ; agrees to leave a proxy in Bristol's hands, 113 ; takes an oath to observe the marriage contract, and leaves Madrid, 114 ; spends two days at the Escurial, 115; sets out for the coast, 116 ; in spite of his change of feelings towards the Infanta, assures Philip of his constancy, 117; orders P>ristol not to deliver his proxy till he has security that the Infanta will not go into a nunnery, 118 ; embarks at San- tander, iig : lands at Portsmouth and is received with enthusiasm in London, 128 ; tells his father that he wishes to CHA conquer Spain, 130; writes to Bristol that he does not intend to break off the marriage because he wishes to have assurance about the Palatinate before it takes place, 136 ; writes to Aston that he will not marry the Infanta unless the Palatinate is restored, ib. ; urges James to make the restitution of the Palatinate an indispensable condition of his mar- riage with the Infanta, 141 ; calls toge- ther the Committee of the Council on Spanish affairs, 143 : orders Bristol not to deliver his proxy till he hears further, 146 ; assures Bristol that unless Philip promises to take arms if necessary there can be no marriage, 147 ; urges his father to summon Parliament, 137 ; position in the nation of, 169 ; confidence felt in Buckingham by, 172 ; is asked whether, in swearing to the marriage treaty, he had agreed that the restitu- tion of the Palatinate was to precede the marriage, 177 ; assures the Commis- sioners on Spanish affairs that he can- not marry the Infanta, 178 ; is eager for war, 180 : continues to talk of conquer- ing Spain, 194; loses patience with his father's hesitation, 195 ; states that James does not want money for himself till after the kingdom has been provided for, ig6 ; is displeased wiih James's refusal to declare war immediately against Spain, 197 ; assures the Houses that his father isconvincedof the justice of a war with Spain, 198 ; mentions that a French marriage has been proposed, and declares that if his father's sword is drawn it will hardly be put up again, 199 : rejects a present from the Countess of Olivares, 204 ; hears from Williams of Carondelet's secret intercourse with the King, 210 ; wishes a league with France to precede a marriage treaty, 217 ; swears that the English Catholics shall have no benefit by the French marriage treaty, 222 ; shows hospitality to Mansfeld, ib. ; takes offence at Mid- dlesex, 229 : is warned by his father of the consequences of the impeachment of Middlesex, 231 ; refuses to insert an article in favour of the Catholics in the French marriage treaty, 251 ; persists in his refusal, 257 ; is gained over by Buckingham, 261 ; expresses satisfaction at the acceptance of the French terms, 262 ; urges his father to give way, 269 ;, signs an engagement in favour of the Catholics. 277 ; is angry with Mansfeld for resolving to go to Flushing. 286 assents to the scheme of a General Pro- testant League, 294 ; is forbidden to ap- pear personally at his marriage in France, 306 ; accession to the throne of, 317. See Charles, Duke of Yoik : Charles I. Charles, Prince {son of Ckirles /.). birth of, vii. 140 : dissatisfaction of the Puritans at the birth of, 141 ; is entrusted to the care of Lady Dorset, 142 ; is taken to INDEX. 259 CHA mass by his mother, viii. 137 : is no longer allowed to be taken to mass, 140. See Charles, Prince of Wales Charles, Prince of Wales, 1637 (son of Charles I.); Newcastle appointed gover- nor of, viii. 243 ; Hertford, who has been appointed governor o', is directed to keep a strict watch over, x. 42 ; the Houses order Hertford to retain the custody of, 156 ; joins his father at Greenwich, i6S ; his mother proposes to marry him to a daughter of the Prince of Orange, 177 ; is sent to visit Hull, 192. See Charles, Prince Charles, the Infant, a new kingdom pro- posed for, iv. 328 ; opposes his sister's marriage to the Prince of Wales, v. 27 Chariiacd, Baron, offers French help to the Dutch, vii. 214 ; refLses to give to Charle- Lewis the title of Electoral Highness, viii. 99 Charter House, the, endowed by Sutton, ii. 214 Chateaaneuf, Marquis of, is directed to invite Charles toco-operate with France against Spain, and advises Charles to call a Parliament, vii. 104 : attempts to persuade the Queen to use her inlluence against Weston, 106 ; joins Richelieu's opponents, and intrigues with De Jars against Weston, 1S6 ; is imprisoned, 217 Chauncey, Charles, resigns the vicarage of Ware, viii. 116 Chaworth, Lord (George Chaworlh), car- ries a message trom Marv de Medecis to the Queen, vii. 185 ; is imprisoned, 186 Cheshire, the forced loan readily paid in, vi. 154 Cheshire Remonstrance, the, attack on Presbyterianism in, ix. 392 Chetham, Humphrey, assesses ship-money in Lancashire, viii. 92 Chevreuse, Duchess of, is e.\iled from France, vi. 167 ; is expected by Bucking- ham to stir up enemies against France, 168 ; entices Chateauneuf to oppose Richelieu, 186 ; Henrietta Maria wishes to intercede for, viii. 98 ; arrives in Eng- land, 398 ; advises the Queen to visit the King at Berwick, ix. 40 ; proposes Spanish marriages for the children of Charles L, 89 Chevreuse, Duke of, holds Charles's proxy at his marriage, v. 325 ; remonstrates with Charles on his treatment of the Catholics, 377 ; makes up his quarrel with Richelieu, vi. 185 Chibborne, Serjeant, his argument in the case of commendams, iii. 14 Chichester of Belfast, Lord, 1612-1625 (Arthur Chichester), opens the Irish Par- liament, ii. 2S9 : is instructed to carry out the laws against recusants, 297 ; his relations with the Irish Parliament, 300 ; recall of, 302 ; is sent to the Palatinate, iv. 304; arrives in the Palatinate, 315; attempts to negotiate an armistice, 316; CHO gives his opinion of the state of Frede- rick's army, 317 ; begs Frederick to leave Mansfeld's army, 318 ; asks Tilly to abandon the siege of Heidelberg, 320 ; remains at Frankfort, 362 ; is obliged to le.ive Frankenthal, 363 ; sends Nether- sole to England, ib. ; is recalled, 383 : be- comes a Privy Councillor, 409 ; Bucking- ham's anger at his vote against war with Spain, v. 177 ; thinks that the Electoral Prince may be educated in England, 178 ; is a member of the Council of War, 223 ; death of, 312 ; papers said to have been left by, 430 ; his plan for the settlement of Wexford, viii. 3. .^tv Chichester, Sir Arthur Chichester, Sir Arthur {Lord Deputy of Ireland^ 1604-1615), character of, i. 373 ; is anxious to civilise Ireland, 374 ; issues a proclamation for the cessation of mar- tial law, and for a general disarmament, and another for an amnesty and for the protection of tenants, 383; his visitation of Ulster, 386 ; attempts to compel Catho- lics to attend the Protestant service, 388 ; removes Sir J. Everard from the Bench, 391 ; summons the aldermen of Dublin before the Castle Chamber, 392 ; im- prisons petitioners against his proceed- ings, 394 ; attempts to fme recusants, 395 ; gives an opinion on persecution, 396 ; aban- dons his etfort to repress recusancy, 398 ; attempts to reform the Church of Ireland, 401 ; visits Ulster a second time, 402 ; results of the lirst two years of his go- vernment, 407 ; hears the case between Tyrone and O'Cahan, 411 ; is insulted by Tyrone, 412 : is informed of a con- spiracy, ib. ; prepares to set out for Ulster, 414 ; sees Tyrone for the last time, 415 ; sends garrisons into Ulster on hear- ing of the flight of the earls, 417 ; lays down a plan for the settlement of Ulster, 418 ; distrusts Sir G. Paulet, 420 ; listens to O'Dogherty's account of his quarrel with Paulet, 422 ; suppresses O'Dogherty's rebellion, 428 ; declares he will only par- don such rebels as have put to death some of their comrades, 430 ; draws up notes on the condition of Ulster, 432 ; expresses his opinion on the plantation of Ulster, 436-438 ; carries out the plan of the Commissioners in London, 439 ; fs raised to the peerage, 288. See Chichester of Belfast, Lord Chillingworth, William, reports Gill's ri- baldry to Laud, vi. 355 ; early life of, viii. 259 ! compared with Laud, 260 ; his intercourse with Falkland, //'. ; publishes The Religion of Protestants, 262 ; character of the doctrine of, ib. ; is charged with saying that the King's op- ponents in the Commons are guilty of treason, x. 87 Chisholm, William (Bishop of I'aison), his appointment as Cardinal supported by James, i. 80 Choicclee Wood, Leslie's camp at, ix. 180 S 2 :6o INDEX. CHR Christian IV. {Kine of Denmark), visits James, i. 30x5 : mission of Anstruther to, iii. 334 ; lends money to James for the defence of the Palatinate, 386 ; takes part in the Assembly of Segeberg, iv. 179 ; speaks angrily to Frederick, 180 ; lends money again to James, ib. ; pleads for Frederick, 315 ; mission of Anstruther to, V. 174 ; refuses to take arms unless he can secure help in North Germany, 201 ; his connection with the ecclesiastical ter- ritories, ib. ; proposal of James to place Gustavus in command over, 208 ; his plan of military operations receives the approval of James, 299; engagement of Charles to furnish 30,000/. a month to, 323 : offers of Louis XIII. to, vi. 27 ; is guaranteed payment of 30,000/. a year by the Treaty of the Hague, 36 ; Riche- lieu offers to support, 52 ; apparently strong posifion of, 138 ; is defeated at Lutter, 139 ; proposal of Charles to in- clude in a suspension of arms, 161 : his position after the defeat of Lutter, 164 ; is joined by Morgan's regiments, but complains ot Charles's hard dealings, 165 ; is overpowered, and abandons the main- land, 186; defends- Krempe and Gliick- stadt, 290 ; proposal to send English aid to, 332 ; sends Rosencrantz to beg Charles to send him men and money, 366 ; is in- formed that Charles's aid is postponed, but not refused, 372 ; Roe proposes that aid be sent to, vii. 98 ; makes peace with the F.mperor at Liibeck, loi : Henrietta Maria writes to, for aid, x. 188 Christian {Prince of Anhalt), directs the policy of the Union, ii. 92 ; commands the forces employed in the territory of Cleves, 98 ; hopes to dismember the Austrian dominions, 277 ; expects to overthrow the House of Austria, 291 ; his mission to Turin, 202 Christian of Brunswick {Adjninistrator of Halbetsiadi), proposes to join Mans- feld. ii'. 294 ; character of, 302 : ravages the Ecclesiastical States, 303 ; approaches the Main, 316 ; is defeated at Hiichst, and joins Mansfeld, 318 ; accompanies Alansfeld in his retreat to Alsace, 319 ; •Toes not send a representative to the con- ference at Brussels, 322 ; accompanies jNIansfeld to Lorraine, 338 ; fails in an attempt to march to the Lower Rhine, 341 ; is wounded at Fleurus, 342 : plans an attack on Silesia, v. 77 ; is defeated at Stadtloo, 78 ; commands the French cavalry intended to serve under Mans- feld, 2_S6 ; his force thinned by death and desertion, 290 ; resigns his Administra- torship, 293 Christina, the Princess {Sister of Louis A'///.), proposal to marry her to Prince Henry, ii. 154 ; proposal to marry her to Prince Charles, 223, 314, 390, 396 Chudleigh, Captain James, bring> up a letter from the ofhcer^ of the Northern army, complaining of their grievances, \k. CLE 314 ; confers with [ermyn and Suckling. 315 ; holds a meeting of officers at Boroughbridge, and carries their letter to Goring, 324 ; is examined on the Army Plot, X. 2 Church of England. See England, Church of Churchill, John, forges orders in Chancery, iv. 56 ; his connection with Lady Whar- ton's case, 74 ; draws up a list of charges against Bacon, 82 Chute, Sir Walter, is imprisoned, ii. 249 Clanrickard (1601-1635) and St. Albans, Earl of (1628-1635), (Richard de Burgh), is President of Connaught, i. 379 : his position in Galway, viii. 62 : pleads against Wentwnrth, 183; death of, 185 Clanrickard and St. Alban.s, Earl of, 1635 (Ulick de Burgh), keeps order in Con- naught, X. 116 Clare, ist Earl of, 1624-1637 (John Holies), refuses to pay the forced loan, vi. 150; proposes a joint committee of both Houses on the Petition of Right, 2S7 ; - borrows Dudley's paper of advice, vii. 139 ; is prosecuted in the Star Chamber, 140. See Holies, Sir John ; Houghton, Lord Clare, 2nd Earl of (John Holies), protests against the refusal of the Lords to com- municate to the Commons their resolu- tion on Divine service, x. 16 Clarendon, Earl of (Edward Hyde), his opinion of Ch.irles's letter to Pope Gregory XV., v. 50 Clarke, Edward, conveys a letter from Charles to Bristol, v, 118 ; gives Bristol the letter, 120 ; is imprisoned by the Commons for spe,aking of the speeches ag.ainst the Duke as bitter invectives, 415 : spreads the news that all diffi- culties in the way of a French alliance are at an end, vi. 68 ; is sent to make overtures to Spain, 160 ; is sent on a mission to the King of Denmark, 185 Clarke, Robert (Baron of i'le Exchequer, 1587-1607), delivers judgment in the case of impositions, ii. 6 Clarke, William, takes part in Watson's plot, i. 100 ; is convicted, 138 ; is exe- cuted, 139 _ _ Clayton, Mr, imprisoned for preaching against Spain, iv. 346 Clement VI II., Pope, 1592-1605, receives a letter from James, i. 81 ; employs Sir James Lindsay to carry a message to James, 97; sends breves to Garnet, q8 ; opens a negotiation with James, 140 : sends presents to the Queen, 142 ; refuses to excommunicate turbulent Catholics, 143 ; expects the conversion of James from his message sent by Lindsay, 225 ; death of, ii. 16 Clergy, the, social position of, vii. 267 : rela- tions of the country gentl'- men to, viii. 122 Clerkenwell, arrest of Jesuits at, vi. 238 ; complaints of the favourable treatment of the Jesuits seized at, vii. 37 IXDEX. :6l CLE Cleves and Juliers, Duchy of, disputed succession in, ii. 93 ; resolution of James to intervene in, 96 ; capture of Juliers in, 100 ; renewal of the dispute. in, 262 ; at- tempt to settle the dispute in, 307 Clifton, Richard, sermons preached at Bab- worth by, iv. 147 ; is deprived of his rec- tory, 148; becomes pastor of the Scrooby congregation, 149 ; refuses to leave Am- sterdam, 151 Clontarf, (Joote sent to punish wreckers at, X. 114 ; is burnt by Coote, 115 Cloth, manufacture of, attempt to prevent Dutch rivalry with, ii. 385 Clotworthy, Sir John, recounts the grie- vances of Ireland, i.x. 231 ; repeats a story which he had heard from Sir Robert King, 234 ; tells the House that Suckling was to raise three regiments of foot and a troop of horse, 351 ; is a member of the committee for investigating the Army Plot, 358 Coal-shippers, monopoly granted to the corporation of, viii. 283 Coat-and-conduct money, attack on in the Short Parliament, ix. 112 ; enforcement of the payment of, 130 ; unpopularity of, 140 ; refusal of the City to pay, 154 ; prosecution of the Lord Mayor and sheriffs for neglect in the collection of, 169 Cobham, Lord, 1597-1604, d. 1619 (Henry Brooke), suspicions of his connection with Watson s plot, i. 116 ; his intrigues with Aremberg, 119 ; writes to the com- missioners for the examination of Ra- leigh, 134 ; writes a letter to Raleigh, 13s ; is convicted of treason, 138 ; is re- prieved and sent to the Tower, 139 ; death of, iii. 154 Cockaine, Alderman William, attempts to exclude the Dutch from the cloth manu- facture, ii. 386 Coinage, debasement of the Irish, i. 365 ; proposal to debase the English, rejected by Charles, vi. 138 ; project to debase, in order to provide means for war with Scotland, ix. 171 ; plans for carrying out the debasement of, 174 Coke, Clement, assists his father in an attack on Oatlands, ii. 92 ; declares it to be better to die by an enemy than to suffer at home, vi. 76 ; explains his words, 79 ", declares Weston to be an enemy of the commonwealth, vii. 73 Coke, Frances, Sir John Villiers offers marriage to, iii. 87 ; signs a contract of marriage with the Earl of Oxford, and is sent to Oatlands, 90; is carried off by her father, 92 ; marriage of, 98. Hee Purbeck, Lady Coke, Sir 'E(ivi3^rd{Attor>iey-General 1594, Chief yustice of the Common Fhas 1606, Chief Justice of the King's Bench 1613-1616. d. 1633), his conduct at Ra- leigh's trial, i. 123 : opposes the Bill for free trade, 190 : appears against the Gunpowder Plotters, 238 ; finds a treatise COK on Equivocation in Trcsliam's cham- bers, 267 ; his speech at Garnet's trial, 277 ; prosecutes Northumberland, 283 ; becomes Justice of the Common Pleas, 299 ; is in favour of the naturalisation of the Post-nati, 334 ; his conduct on the Bench, ii. 35 ; leads the attack on Ban- croft's .4 >Y;c«// C/^rr/, 36 ; has an alter- cation with the King, 38 ; his opinion on Fuller's case, 40 ; provokes James, 41 ; is said to have instigated the attack en Cowell's Interpreter, 66 ; declares that the King cannot create an offence by proclamation, 104 ; disputes with Abbot on the question of prohibitions, 122 ; ob- jects to the procedure in the case of Legate and Wightman, 129 ; Bacon ad- vises the appointment as Chief Justice of the Kings Bench of, 207 ; becomes Chief Justice of the King's Bench and a Privy Councillor, 208 ; persuades the judges not to give an opinion to the Lords on the question of impositions, 241 ; objects to the demand for a Benevo- lence being issued under the Great Seal, 261 ; argues in favour of the legality of the Benevolence, 266; resists the separate consultation of the judges, 277 ; gives his opinion in Peacham's case, 278 ; argues against the deputation from the Irish Catholics, 297 ; his opinion on Owen's case, 304 ; is directed to inquire into the murder of Overbury, 332 ; asks that per- sons of higher rank may be associated with him, 334 ; presides at Weston's trial, 338 ; states his belief that Prince Henry had been poisoned, 345 ; is eager to discover the negotiation between Somerset and Sarmiento, 346 ; hisopinion on the preparation for a Parliament, 365 ; view taken of the constitutional position of the judges by, iii. i ; brings the Bench into collision with the Crown, 5 ; is for- bidden by James to give judgment on the writ de rege inconsulto till he has spoken to him, 9 ; complains of the in- terference of Chancery', 10 ; instigates the preferment of indictments o{ prce- iminire, 11 ; is angry with the grand jury which returns an ignoramus, 12 ; is ordered not to proceed with the case of commendams till he has spoken with the King, 14 ; writes a letter in the names of the judges refusing to obey the com- mand, 15 ; protests against the command, 17 ; asserts his independence, 19 ; is sus- pended, 23 ; is called on to revise his reports, and dismissed, 25 ; his behaviour after his disgrace, 84 : quarrels with his wife, ib. ; consents to the marriage of his daughter to Sir John Villiers, 88 ; in- forms the King of his consent, 89 ; carries off his daughter from Oatlands, 92 ; is summoned before the Council, ib. ; is favourably received by the King, 95 : is restored to the Council table, 98 ; is disappointed at not receiving higher promotion, 99 ; is appointed a coninils- INDEX. COK sioner to examine Raleigh, 141 ; becomes a Commissioner of the Treasury, i8g ; wishes to impose a larger fine on Suffolk, 210 ; acknovi-1^4ses the legality of the patent S>r inns, iv. 4 ; political principles of, 40 ; effect on the Commons of his attack upon the monopolies, 41 ; asks the Commons to punish Michell, 42 ; brings in a report against Mompesson, 43 ; acknowledges that the House has no jurisdiction, 44 ; brings in a Bill against monopolies, -54 ; objects to the King's proposed tribunal for the trial of Bacon, 69 ; complains of Bacon as a corrupt judge, 78 ; declares that the House of Commons is a court of record, 122 ; supports the jurisdiction of the Commons over Floyd, 123 ; repeats the prayer for the Royal family, 130 ; is irri- tated by the affair of Lepton and Gold- smith, 240 ; makes a violent attack on Spain, 241 , proposes that the Commons shall set down their privileges in writing, 260 ; is sent to the Tower, 267 ; is liberated, 350 ; proposal to send him to Ireland, v. 1S2 ; declares that Bucking- ham has deserved well of his country, 188 ; declares that England was never so prosperous as when she was at war with Spain, 194 : explains to the Com- mons the value of the subsidies proposed, 200 ; carries up the impeachment of Middlesex, 230 ; is content that there shall be no committee of grievances in the first Parliament of Charles, 342 ; argues that Montague's writings can be properly considered by the Commons, 362 ; asks for an account of the subsidies of the last Parliament, 397 ; wishes that nothing may be printed without the approval of Convocation, 399 ; declares that the Commons ought not to discuss doctrine, 400 ; comments on the embar- rassments of the Treasury, 411 ; sug- gests a Benevolence, 427 ; is made sheriff to prevent his appearance in Parliament, vi. 33 ; is of opinion that the rights of the subject must be vindicated, 231 ; brings in a Bill against prolonged detention in prison, 232 ; wishes sub- sidies to be granted with a declaration of the illegality of the forced loan, 237 ; states that when the King is spoken of as imprisoning anyone, it is meant that his command is s gnified by the judges, 240 ; quotes the language of Festus to Agrippa, 241 ; is temporarily disconcerted by Shilton's quotation from Anderson's reports, 243 ; declares the quotation from Anderson to be apocryphal, 244 ; adduces the evidence of a copy in Anderson's own hand, 245 ; proposes a petition against military outrages, 253 ; asks that the dates for the payment of the subsidies may be fixed, 255 ; criticises the Lords' propositions on impiisonntent, 261 ; supports the Bill of Liberties, 265 ; wishes the King COK to ratify the Bill to be presented to him in the form of a promise, 269 ; replies 10 Sir J. Coke's proposal that the King shall be petitioned, 273 ; proposes a Petition of Right, 274 ; asserts that the phrase ' sovereign power ' is r ot known to the law, 281 ; cannot speak for weeping, 304 ; names Buckingham as the cause of all their miseries, 305 ; death of, vii. 359 ; seizure of the papers of, 360 Coke, Sir John, is a leading member of the Navy Commission, iii. 203 ; orders Pennington to abstain from meddling in the French civil wars, v. 329 ; is selected by Buckingham to be his mouthpiece in the House of Commons, 370 ; lays an estimate before the House, and asks for an additional grant, 371 ; fails to persuade the House, 372 ; writes to Pennington that he will not have to fight against the French Protestants, 37S ; orders Pennington not to give up his ships to the French, 379 ; approves of the protest of Pennington's captains, 3S2 ; recommends that Pennington shall spin out time, 3S3 ; gives a full explana- tion of the King's military and naval expenditure, 405 ; protests against Eliot's attack on the Commissioners of the Navy, 414 ; becomes Secretary of State, vi. 9 ; urges on the sale of French prize goods, 42 ; suggests an early grant of supply, 60 ; again urges the Commons to take supply into consideration, So ; Buckingham is angry with, 201 ; acknow- ledges that the law had been broken, 237 ; alleges the discovery of a party of Jesuits at Clerkenwell as a reason why the Commons should vote supply, 239 ; persuades the House to allow supply to be discussed in a Grand Committee, ib. ; argues in favour of attacking the enemy, 246 ; announces to Charles that five subsidies have been voted in committee, and reports Buckingham's sayings to the Commons, 252 ; supports Sir E. Coke's proposal for fixing the dates of the payment of the subsidies, 255 ; informs the Commons that it has been noticed that they are press- ng on power itself, 255 ; informs the House that, whatever law is made, it will be his duty as a Privy Councillor to commit without showing cause, 267 ; denies that the laws had been violated, 269 ; asks that the King's answer to the Re- monstrance may be debated in the House, 272 ; objects to Pym's language, 273 : asks the Commons to petition against a repetition of the forced loan, //'. ; goes to Portsmouth to hurry on reinforcements for Denbigh, 293 ; in-" forms Buckingham of the slowness with which the fleet for the relief of Rochelle is being fitted out, 344 ; proposes to bring in a Bill for granting tonnage and poundage, vii. 34 ; protests against the JXDEX. 263 COK Commons considering the report of the committee on religion, 37 ; declares the King's resolution to protect the Custom House officers, 64 ; writes to forbid Charles Lewis to go to the Palatinate, 351 ; reads to the Council an exposition of the dangers of the kingdom, and calls on Charles to recover the sovereignty of the seas, 357 ; becomes a Commissioner of the Treasury, 379 ; urges on Lindsey the necessity of supporting the King's claim to the sovereignty of the seas, 385 ; his speech at the introduction into Oxford of the Caroline statutes, viii. 147 ; votes against war with Scotland, 350; is threatened with dismissal, ix. 85 ; ceases to be Secretary, 87 ; exposes the Queen's misrepresentation about the marriage treaty, 88 Colchester, Official's court of the arch- deaconry of, ix. 80 Coldstream, the Scottish army crosses the Tweed at, ix. 189 College of Physicians, the, reports on the causes of the plague, viii. 289 Coloma, Don Carlos, succeeds Gondomar as Spanish ambassador in England, iv. 335 : asks that Spanish ships may be sheltered in English ports, 376 ; is pre- sent when James swears to the public articles of the marriage treaty, v. 68 ; assents to the agreement of Salisbury, 99 ; presents a plan for the pacification of Germany, 131 ; accepts James's de- claration that he can grant no further concessions to the Catholics, 100 ; slips a paper into James's hand, 207 ; protests against the levy of soldiers in aid of the Dutch, 244 ; begs that three Dunkirk privaieers in the Downs may receive the benefit of neutrality, 245 ; obtains per- mission for Rubens to visit England, vii. 102 ; is named ambassador to Eng- land, 105 ; is received at Whitehall, 170 : swears to the treaty of Madrid, 176 ; takes leave of Charles, 177 ; Massingcr's allusions to, 201 Colvill, William, is entrusted with letters from the Covenanters to foreign princes, ix. 91 ; is sent to France with a second letter, 92 Commendams, case of, iii. 13 Commerce, movement in favour of break- ing up the companies engaged in, i. 188; Act for throwing open, with France, Spain, and Portugal, 348 ; interference with the course of, between England and Holland, ii. 385 ; stoppage of, after the dissolution of 1629, vii. 82 Commissions of array, issued for the army against Scotland, ix. 162 ; issued for an army against the Parliamentary Militia, X. 202 ; order given to put in execution, 205 Commissioners of the Navy. See Navy Commission Commissioners, the Parliamentary. See Parliamentary Committee, the COM Committee of defence, the, is ordered to direct the attention of the Lords 10 the state of the fortresses, and to consider the command of the trained bands, x. 2 ; recommends the appointment of an authority to put the kingdom in a state of defence, 3 Committee of Eight. 3"ff Committee of the Privy Council for Scottish aft'airs Committee of Estates, the, appointed by the Scottish Parliament, ix. 152 ; decides that half its members sh.all accompany Leslie's army, 182 ; examines Montrose, 396 ; imprisons Montrose and his con- federates, 397 Committee of Safety, the, is composed of Lords and Commoners, x. 209 Committee of the Privy Council for foreign affairs, appointment of, v. 323 ; proposed admission of Scots to, ix. 91 Committee of the Privy Council for Scot- tish affairs, divided state of opinion in, viii. 350 ; recommends Charles to select a force of 30,000 from the trained bands, 383 : is consulted on the war with Scot- land after the dissolution of the Short Parliament, ix. 120 Committee of the Privy Council for Spanish affairs is consulted on the mar- riage treaty, iii. 58 ; listens to Buck- ingham's account of his proceedings in Spain, v. 143; questions about the treaties proposed to, 176; refuses to vote for war, 177 ; gives a temporising answer, 179 ; recommends the imprison- ment of Loudoun and Dunfermline, ix. 74 ; after hearing Traquair's report, dis- cusses the mode of coercing Scotland, 75 ; debate on the mode of carrying on war with Scotland in, 120 Common Council, the. See London, City of Common Prayer, the Book of, supporters and assailants of, ix. 274 ; proposal to make alterations in, and counter-propo- sal of Culpepper to punish those who vilify, X. 14 Commons, the House of, its increased powers under Henry VIIL, i. 6: asks for further changes in the Church, 31 ; opposes Elizabeth on the subject of Church reform, 32 : composition of, 160 ; official members elected to, 163 ; debates on Sherley's case of privilege in, 167 ; on Goodwin's case, ib. ; on pur- veyance and wardship, 171 ; on the Court of Wards, 174 ; on the union with Scotland, 176; objects to the title of King of Great Britain, 177 ; is dissatis- fied with the Hampton Court settle- ment, 178 ; its ecclesiastical policy, 179 ; apology of, 180; omits to grant sub- sidies, 186; opposes the monopoly ot the trading companies, i88 ; passes a Bill for opening trade, 189 ; is scolded by the King at the prorogation, 190 ; causes of the misunderstanding between the King and, 193 ; rejects a proposal foi c64 INDEX. COM inflicting extraordinary punishment on the Gunpowder Plotters, 2S6 ; questions the right of Convocation to legislate, 2ai ; grants a supply, 297, 29S ; draws up a petition of grievances, 299 ; dis- cusses the proposed commercial union with Scotland, 329 ; considers the ques- tion of naturalisation, 331 ; agrees to pass Bills for the abolition of hostile laws and extradition of criminals, 337 ; insists on freedom for all persons to trade with France, Spain, and Portugal, 348; case of the ' Trial ' brought before, 349 ; forwards to the Lords the complaints of the merchants trading with Spain, 351 ; Salisbury seeks to influence elections to, ii. 63 ; takes into consideration the support of the Crown, 64 ; listens to Salisbury's demands, 65 ; condemns Cowell's Interpreter^ 66 ; demands the commutation of feudal tenures, 68 ; proposes to enter into the Great Con tract, 69 ; is forbidden by the King to question his right to impositions, 70 ; receives permission to discuss the impo- sitions, 72 ; petition against recusants from, 73 ; debate on impositions in, 75 : is almost unanimous against the King's claim to impositions, 81 : draws up a petition of grievances, and grants a sub- sidy, 82 ; agrees to the Great Contract, 83 ; is dissatisfied with the King's answer to its grie-\-ances, 85 ; breaks off the Great Contract, 107 ; refuses to grant supply till the rumours about Undertakers have been inquired into, 236 ; receives the communion at St. Margaret's, and takes up the Bill on Impositions, 237 ; inquires into monopo- lies, ih. : gives up the inquiry about the Undertakers, and discusses the imposi- tions, 238 ; asks for a conference on impositions, 241 ; is indignant at Bishop Neile's attack, 243 ; is not contented with Neile's excuse, 246 : review of the conduct of, in the Addled Parliament, 248 ; imprisonment of members of, 249 ; does not revive the quarrel about impo- sitions in 1621, Iv. 27 ; Protestant feel- ing of, 28 : objects to receive the com- munion in Westminster Abbey, 30 ; receives the report of the Council of War, 31 ; grants two subsidies, 32 ; complains of Gondomar's permission to export ordnance, 33 ; expets Shepherd, 34 ; is displeased with James's refusal to persecute the Catholics, 34: foreign policy of, 35 : inquiry into the mono- polies, 39 ; violent proceedings against Michell in, 42 ; attack on Mompessonin, 43 ; its jurisdiction questioned, ib. ; de- mands inquiry into the conduct of the referees, 48 ; brings charges against the referees, 50 ; sends charges against Mompesson to the Lords, 54 ; orders Phelips to lay before the Peers the evidence against Bacon, 66 : resists James's proposal for a new tribunal to COM inquire into i. ; full attendance in, at the opening of the session of 1625, 337 ; is asked for supplies by Charles, on the ground that it has brought him into war, 338 : rejects Mallorj-'s motion for an adjournment, 341 ; gjes into committee on religion, INDEX. 26; COM 342 ; prepares a petition on religion, re- questing the enforcement of the law against the Catholics, and a conciliatory treatment of the silenced ministers, 344 ; the grant of one subsidy and one fif- teenth proposed in, 345 ; two subsidies voted by, 347 ; its want of confidence in Charles, ib. ; considers Wentworth's dis- puted election, 349 : refers Montague's A'e-M Gag /or an old Goose to Abbot, 353 ; inquires what steps Abbot has taken, 354 ; refers the New Gag and Appelto Cipsarem to a committee, :55 ; report of its committee on Montague's books, 360 ; commits Montague to custody, 364 ; de- bate on tonnage and poundage in, ii. ; passes a Bill granting tonnage and pound- age for one year, 365 ; estimate of ex- penditure laid by Coke before. 371 ; de- clines to grant an additional supply, 372 ; is adjourned to Oxford, 373 ; re-assembles at Oxford, 397; preparesa petition against the grant of pardons to Catholic priests, 399 ; discusses Montague's case, ib. ; ques- tion of ministerial responsibility raised in, 400 ; is summoned before the King in Christchurch Hall, 403 ; is puzzled by the confused way in which the King s demands are made, 406 ; the King's ministers inefficiently represented in, 407 ; Whistler's suggestion to consult the Lords on the proposed supply allowed to drop in, ib. ; debate on foreign policy in, ib. ; is summoned to Christchurch Hall to hear a communication from Bucking- ham, 418 : discusses the King's demand of an immediate supply, 423 ; hears of the delivery of Pennington's ships to the French, 428 ; complaints of neglect to stop piracy, ib. ; adopts a protestation of loyalty, 431 ; last proceedings of, in the first Parliament of Charles, 432 ; its want of confidence in Buckingham justi- fied, 433 ; conser\'atism of, 434 ; pro- nounces against Montague, vi. 65 ; wishes to learn the advice given by the Council of War, 73 ; persists in requiring an answer, 74 ; difficulties of its position, 76 ; directs the King's Counsel to bring in a tonnage and poundage Bill, 77 ; loyal declaration of, 78 ; adopts Eliot's pro- posal to pass a resolution for the grant of subsidies, but not to convert it into a Bill, 81 ; informed by Coventry that they have liberty of counsel, not of control, 82 ; is told by Charles that Parliaments areto continue or not, according to their fruits, 83 ; resolves to draw up a remon- strance, ib. : determines to go on with the Remonstrance in spite of Buckingham's vindication of his conduct, 84 ; presents the Remonstrance to Charles, 85 ; orders a committee to consider the causes of evil, ib. ; votes the charges against Bucking- ham upon common fame, 86 ; impeaches Buckingham, 98 ; demands the imprison- ment of Buckingham, 108; refuses to pro- ceed with busmess till Eliot and Digges COM are liberated, 109 ; prepares a petition in vindication of its privileges, 110; is informed that Digges is released, and that Eliot is imprisoned on account of actions done out of the House, 112; suspends its sittings, 113 ; is informed that Eliot is liberated, /'/'. ; clears Eliot, 114 ; declares tonnage and poundage il- legal without consent of Parliament, 115 ; demands an account of Buckingham's election as Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, but is ordered by the King to desist from further inquiry, n6 ; draws up a Remonstrance, 118 ; question of responsibility raised by its demand to the King to remove Buckingham from his presence, 119 ; end of the sittings of, 121 ; resolution of the leaders of, not to proceed against Buckingham in 1628, 230; Coke's Bill against prolonged detention in prison brought into, 232 ; debate on a proposal to grant supply in, 233 : refuses to vote supply in consequence of the dis- covery of a party of Jesuits at Clerken- well, 239; goes into a Grand Committee on Supply, 240; want of support for the King in, ib. ■ passes a resolution against taxa- tion without a Parliamentary grant, 241 ; enters on a debate on the King's claim to imprison without showing cause, ib. ; dis- cussion on the genuineness of a copy of Anderson's reports in, 244 ; resolutions on imprisonment adopted by, 245 ; debate on the grant of supply in, 246 ; passes resolutions on confinement and billet- ing, 247 ; postpones the consideration of militarj' grievances for that of civil ones, 250 ; passes in committee a resolution for five subsidies, ib. ; Bill for securing the liberties of the subject proposed by Wentworth in, 251 : debate on military outragesin, 253; sits, by the King'sorders, on Good Kriday, 254 ; debate on martial law in, ib. ; asks the Peers to hear them before deciding on the resolutions on the liberties of the subject, 256 ; again refuses to discuss supply, 257 ; is informed by the Lord Keeper that Charles expects it to be content with his promise to ob- serve the law, 263 ; resolves that a Bill founded on its resolutions shall be brought in, 264 ; debate in, on the Bill of Liberties, 265 ; is informed by Sir J. Coke that, whatever law might be made, it would be the duty of a Pri\-y Coun- cillor to commit without showing cause, 267 ; directs the preparation of a Remon- strance, 269 ; orders the presentation of the Remonstrance, 270 ; end of W'ent- worth's leadership of, ib. ; discusses the King's offer to confirm Magra Carta and six other statutes, 272 ; orders a Petition of Right to be prepared, and the resolu- tions for five subsidies to be reported, 275 ; sends up the Pet tion to the Lords, 276 ; refuses to accept the Kinj;'s offer to declare the cause as soon as convenient, 277 ; rejects the Lords' clause in amend- 266 INDEX. COM COM merit of the Petition of Right, 281 ; re- jects the clause a second time, 2S2 ; sup- ports Eliot against Wentworlh, 286 ; rejects a proposal of the Lords for a joint committee on the Petition of Right, 287 ; listens to the King's first answer to the Petition, 297 ; agrees, at Eliot's motion, to discuss a Remonstrance, 301 ; is for- bidden by the King to lay scandal on his ministers, 302 ; bursts into fears, 303 ; inserts into its Remonstrance a clause condemnatory of Buckingham, 306 ; goes on with the Remonstrance and joins the Lords in asking for a better answer to the Petition of Right, 308 ; impeaches Manwaring, 312 ; passes the Subsidy Bill, 315 ; completes the Remonstrance, and complains that Calvinism is discoun- tenanced and Arminianism favoured, 316 ; declares Buckingham's power to be the chief cause of evil, 317 ; a tonnage and poundage Bill in committee in, 322 ; proposes to pass a Bill for a temporary grant of tonnage and poundage, ib. ; draws up a Remonstrance on tonnage and poundage, 323 ; end of the session of, 325 : its case against the King. 328 ; complains in 1629 of the enrolment of the first a swer to the Petition of Right, vii. 30 ; considers its privileges to be violated by the seizure of RoUe's goods, 32 ; is pleased with the King's speech, but postpones the consideration of tonnage and poundage, 34 ; takes into considera- tion the question of religion, 35 ; refers the qurstion of religion to a committee, 36 ; goes into committee on the report from the committee on religion, 37 ; adopts a resolution against Arminianism, the sense of which it is unable to make clear, 41 ; resolves to inquire into recent pardons, 44 ; orders further inquiry into the pardons, 47 ; challenges the authority of Convocation, 48 ; admits that Mon- tague is legally a bishop, 49 : charges brought against Neilein, zi. ; Cromwell's first speech in, 55 ; fresh charges brought against Neile and Cosin in, 56 ; takes up again the question of tonnage and pound- age, 57 ; sends one of the sheriffs of Lon- don totheTower, 58; breach of the privi- leges of, I'i. ; sends a me-sage to the Court of Exchequer, and summons the Custom House officers to the bar, 61 ; attempts to evade May's argument, 63 : resolves that Rolle is to have privilege for his goods, 64 ; adjourns to consider its posit'on, 65 ; resolutions on religion of the sub-committee of, ii. ; attempts made to avert a rupture between the King and, 66; the Speaker held down in his chair by members of, 68 ; riotous pro- ceedings in, 69 ; Hobart locks the door of, 70 ; Eliot's resolutions read by Holies in, 75 : end of the session of, 76 ; at the opening of the Short Parliament Winde- bank reads the letter from the Scots to the King of France in, ix. 99 ; debate on grievances in, //'. ; petitions from the counties to, loi ; Pym's speech on griev- ances in, id. ; appeal of Charles to the Lords against, 108 ; resolves to confer with the Lords on grievances, ii. ; votes the interference of the Lords to be a breach of privilege, no: sends for Dr. Beale, in : resolves to clear up the ques- tion of the K ing's right to voluntary taxa- tion, 112; discusses the King's demand of twelve subsidies, 113 ; demand for the abolition of military charges made in, 114; proposed petition against the war to be made by, 116 ; the Short Parlia- ment dissolved on Vane's assurance that not one penny will be voted by, 117 ; temper of, at the opening of the Long Parliament, 218 ; support given by the Scottish army to, 219 ; chooses Lenthall as its Speaker, 220 ; listens to Irish grievances, 222 ; Pym's leadership of, 223 ; general complaint of grievances in, 224 ; resolves to spare the King and to call his ministers to account, 226 ;_ is afraid of a Catholic plot, 227 ; meeting of the Irish committee of, 230; resolves to examine into the case against Straf- ford, 231 ; alarm felt in, 233 ; names a select committee to prepare a charge against Strafford, 234 ; impeaches Straf- ford, 235 ; sends for Radcliffe, and orders the liberation of Pr>'nne, Bastwick, Bur- ton, Leighton, and Lilburne, 236 ; finan- cial difhculties of, ii. ; appoints a fast, 237 ; attacks the monopolies, 238 ; loan offered by the members of, 239 ; takes alarm at the attempt to assassinate Hey- wood, z'iJ. ; draws up a preliminary charge against Strafford, 240 ; two subsidies voted by, 242 ; sends for Windebank, 243 ; the Queen proposes to bribe mem- bers of, 244 ; Finch defends himself be- fore, 246 ; Finch impeached b>^, 247 ; first serious division of opinion in, iii. ; postpones the consideration of the Lon- don petition against episcopacy, and votes that no one is bound by the new canons, 24S ; proposes to provide for the King's revenue, and grants two more subsidies, 250 ; a Bill for Annual Parlia- ments brought into, 253 ; refuses to pay interest unless it is named damages, 255 ; negotiation of the Queen with the leaders of, 259 ; considers the demands of the Scots, 261 ; turns the Annual_ Parlia- ments Bill into a Triennial Bill, 262 ; demands Goodman's execution, 265 ; dis- trusts Charles's sincerity, 268 ; resolves to investigate the contributions of the Catholics, and presses for Goodman's execution, 269 ; fear of the Irish army felt in, 270 ; articles against Strafford voted in, !/>. ; votes a Brotherly Assist- ance to the Scots, and leaves Goodman in prison, 272 ; receives coldly the Queen's overtures, 273 ; the ecclesias- tical petitions debated in, 276 ; parties begin to form in, 281 ; a compromise INDEX. 267 COM accepted at the end of the debate on the Londoners' petition in, 287 ; is unani- mous against the Catholics, 289 ; im- peaches Berkeley, ib. ; asks the Lords to join in a petition against the Irish army, 290; objects to the delay in Straffoid's trial, 291 ; is irritated because the Lord^ allow Strafford time to prepare for his defence, 292 ; rise of a feeling against the Scots in, 294 : two more subsidies voted by, 295 ; dissatisfaction in, with the Scottish declaration against English episcopacy, 297 ; votes that reparation shall be made to Prynne, Burton, Bast- wick, Leighton, and Lilburne, 298 ; re- solves that bishops shall not sit in Parlia- ment or exercise temporal functions, 299 ; has difficulty in finding money for the Scots, 300 ; Pym opens the case against Strafford on behalf of, 303 ; growth of a desire for Strafford's blood in, 307 ; irri- tates the Northern army by transferring to the Scots money intended for its use, 308 ; the Army Plot revealed to the leading members of, 317; charge of in- tending to bring in the Irish army brought against Sti afford on behalf of, 318 ; is alarmed at the danger of the intervention of the Northern army, and passes a resolution that officers are not to command an attack without orders from the King on the advice of Parlia- ment, 325 ; want of unanimity in, 326 ; withdraws from the trial in consequence of the decision of the Lords to allow Strafford to adduce fresh evidence, 327 ; statement on Vane's notes made in, 328 ; a Bill of Attainder proposed in, 329 ; reads the Bill of Attainder a first time, but is persuaded by Pym to go on with the impeachment, 330 ; Bill of Attainder read a second time in, 335 ; Bill of At- tainder in committee in, 336 ; declares Strafford a traitor, 337 ; passes the At- tainder Bill, 33S ; is disappointed at Charles's repeated refusals to disband the Irish army, 344 ; renewed dissatis- faction of, 345 ; a dissolution expected by, 346 ; passes the Bishops' Exclusitin Bill, 347 ; silence in, at the news of Suckling's levy, 350; excited discussion in, 351; appoints a committee to draw up a Pro- testation, 353 ; accepts the Protestation, 355 ; invites the Londoners to sign the Protestation, 356 : Pym reveals his knowledge of the Army Plot to, 357 ; resolves that to counsel bringing in a fo- reign force is to be a public enemy, and forms a committee to examine the Army Plot, 358;- panic in, 359 ; a Bill against the dissolution of Parliamces an additional instruction to the Com- mittee in Scotland to be given by, ib. ; demands that unless a responsible minis- try be granted it will provide for Ireland without the King, 56 ; revolutionary cha- racter of the proposal made by, 57 ; pro- poses to entrust Essex with authority over the trained bands, 59 ; the Grand Remon- strance read in, ib. ; worse news from Ireland received in, 64 ; votes that an English and a Scottish army shall be sent iCS INDEX. COM to Ireland, 69 ; votes that the Scots shall number no more than 1,000, 70 ; votes that 5,000 Scots shall be asked to go, 71 : the Grand Remonstrance amended in, id. ; orders two priests to be proceeded against, 72 ; wishes to place the trained bands in a posture of defence under Essex and Holland, 73; fresh e\idence on the second Army Plot read in, 76. ; passes a resolution that there had been a second Army Plot, 74 ; final debate on the Grand Remonstrance in, 75; piopo- sal to print the Grand Remonstrance, followed by a claim to protest in, 76 ; tumult quieted by Hampden in, 77 ; sends Palmer to the Tower, 79 ; takes umbrage at the dismissal of its guard, 86: a mob alleged to have been invited to Westminster to guard, ?'d. : suspicions of an intention to charge members with treason entertained in, 87 ; directs the justices of Westminster to protect it, ?■/'. ; presents the Grand Remonstrance to the King, 88 ; Charles's resistance to, 89 : constitutional position of, 90 ; ap- points a committee to throw the blame on the Lords if they do not pass the Bills sent up to them, 93 ; a Militia Bill brought into, 95 ; reads the Militia Bill once in spite of the strong oppositi'jn to it. 96 ; issues a declaration against tole- ration, 97 ; petition from the City against the presence of bishops and Catholic lords in, presented to, 98 ; proclamation commanding the attendance of absent members of, 99 ; asks for the execution of seven priests, and prints the Grand Remonstrance, 100 ; receives a petition from ministers, who ask that their con- sciences may not be forced, loi : refuses to its members the right of protest, 102 ; reads the Militia Bill the first time, and asks the Lords to agree to send 10,000 Scots to Ireland, 103 ; inquires into the hindrance thrown by the City autho- rities in the way of a petition to itself, 104 ; asks the Lords to join in a petition for the dismissal of Lunsford, log ; draws up a declaration for the safety of the kingdom, 110 ; requests Newport to take personal charge of the Tower, iii : re- ceives bad news from Ireland, 112 ; takes alarm at Dillon's evidence on the over- tures of the IrishCatholics toCharles,ii3; refuses to blame the rioters who had in- sulted the bishops, 118 ; offers to join the Lords in asking for a guard, if Essex might command it, 119 ; refuses to send for the City trained bands, but im- peaches the bishops who had signed the protest, 125 ; asks the King to ap- point the Earl of Essex to command the guard, 126; sends for halberts, and orders a committee of the whole House to meet at Guildhall, id. ; intention of the King to in^peach five members of, 129 ; the Attorney-General impeaches five mem- bers of, 133; rejection of its demand COM for a guard under Essex, 131 ; asks the City for the protection ot its trained bands, 132 ; takes steps to protect its members, ii. ; the King ofters a guard commanded by Lindsey to, 134 ; hears of the gathering of armed men at White- hall. 136 ; warnings convej-ed to, 137 ; withdrawal of the five accused members of, 13S ; the King takes the Speaker's chair in, and demands the five members of, 139 ; the King's departure from, 141 ; danger of, from the King's followers. t7\ ; proceedings of its Committee at Guild- hall, 143 ; its quarrel with the King is beyond a compromise, 145 ; sits in com- mittee at Grocers' Hall, 147 ; is guarded by the City trained bands, 14S ; return of the five members to, 149 ; comes back to Westminster, 150; agrees with the Lords to send Hotham to secure Hull, I S3; is alarmed by the proceedings of Digby and Lunsford at Kingston, 154; invites the counties to defend them- selves. 155 ; declares that no fortresses are to be delivered up without the authority of the King signified by both Houses, 156; recommends that the Lords-Lieu- tenants shall be appointed by Parliament, 157 ; demands that' the fortresses and the militia may be entrusted to persons in whom Parliament may confide, 159 ; in- forms the Peers that it would be sorry to save the kingdom without them, 160 : draws up a militia ordinance, i5i ; im- peaches the Attorney" - General and Digby, 167 ; votes that the kingdom is to be put in a posture of defence, 171 : claims supreme power for Parliament, 176 ; disquieting rumours reach, 177 : treats harshly the Kentish petitioners, 181 ; orders the garrison of Hull to be reinforced, and the munitions at Hull to be broug'nt to London, 1S4 : appoints a committee to prepare a declaration of its ecclesiastical policy, 1S5 ; amends the King's Militia Bill, 191 ; contribu- tions asked from the members of, 201 : requests the Lords to appoint a commit- tee of safety, and votes the raising of an army for active service, 209 ; impeaches Gurney, ;7'. ; votes that Essex shall take the command. 211 ; attempts to defend itself against the accusation' of setting up an arbitrary government, 215 ; calls on its mem'oers to swear to live and die with Essex, 217 Communion, kneeling posture at the recep- tion of, directed to be observed in one of James's five articles, iii. 222 ; enjoined to be observed in the chapel at Holy- rood, 223 : objection felt in Scotland to, 229 ; adopted by the Assembly of Perth, 236 ; indictment of a minister for refus- ing to administer to his congregation in their seats, ix. 81 Communion-table, the, Elizabeth's com- promise on the position of, vii. 15 : dis- pute at Grantham about, 16 ; arrange- INDEX. 269 COM merit made at Buckilen for, 17 ; i'; placed by tht side of the pulpit in Whitelocke's I'.ouse, 46 ; is moved to the east end of Winche!.ter Cathedral, 56 ; removal of, by Laud at Lambeth, loS ; Williams gives his opinion on the position assigned to, at Leicester, 309 : dispute about the position of, at St. Gregor>''s, 310: de- cision of the King on the dispute about the position of, 311; Wentworth re- moves, at Dublin, viii. 45 ; general order for the removal of, 114 ; cases of its re- moval, 116; directions given in the Canons of 1640 on the position of, ix. 143 ; the soldiers pull down the rails round, 176 : the Lords propose to sur- round with rails in the centre of the church, X. 15 Companies, the Trading, their monopoly attacked in the Commons, i. 187. See Levant Company : East Lidia Com- pany ; the Merchant Adventurers; Spanish Company Compositions for knighthood. See knight- hood lines Compton, Lady, wishes to marry Sir John Villiers to Frances Coke, iii. 88 ; asks the Council to help Coke to get posses- sion of his daughter, gi ; is created Countess of Buckingham, 208. See Buck- ingham, Countess of Compton, Lord,i589-i6i8 (William Comp- ton), created Earl of Northampton, iii. 215. See Northampton, Earl of Compton, Sir Thomas, marries Bucking- ham's mother, iii. 87 Comiis, the performance of, vii. 335 Con, George, is named as a fit person to be the Pope's agent at the Court of Henrietta Maria, viii. 138 ; his friendly reception by Charles, 236 ; rouses the Queen to take interest in Catholic con- versions, ib. ; calls Denbigh a Puritan ass, 238 ; urges the Queen to stand up for the Catholics, 239 : obtains the Queen's assistance in combating a pro- posed proclamation against the Catho- lics, 240 ; his opinion of Newcastle's character, 244 ; returns to Rome and dies, ix. 87 Cond^, Prince of, has the peace with the HuguenotK broken, vi. 2 Confession, Greenway reveals the Gun- powder Plot to Garnet in, i. 275 ; re- luctance of the Government to charge Garnet with knowledge obtained in, 279 ; Panaani's report of English opinion on, viii. 136 Connaught, Condition of, after James's accession, i. 379 ; title of the landowners of, acknowledged in the Graces, viii. 14 ; proposed plantation of, 60 ; Wentworth's visit to, ib. ; juries summoned to find the King's title to, 61 ; success of Went- worth in, 62 ; the English House of Commons drops the charge against Strafl^ord for his conduct in, ix. 304 ; abandonment of the plantation of, x. 45 ; CON Ranelagh fears for the maintenance of order in, 112 ; order kept by Clanrickard in, 116 Connecticut, foundation of the colony of, viii. 171 Conry, Florence, said to be implicated in a plot for a revolt in Ireland, i. 413 Consecration of churches, vii. 242 Constable of Castile, the (Duke of Frias), arrives at Brussels to negotiate a peace with England, i. 207 : leaves directions with Villa Mediajia, about the Infanta's marriage, 720 Co .slant moderators, appointment of, i. Contarmi. Alvise, proposes to Dorchester a pe.'ice with France, vi. 345 ; converses with Buckingham on the proposed peace, 346 ; his last interview with Buckingham, 347 : continues his negotiation after Buckingham's death, 366 : finds a sup- porter in the Queen, 367 ; acts as media- tor between England and France, vii. 100 ; hopes for an alliance between Eng- land and France against Spain, roi Continuance of Parliament Bill. See Dis- solution of the Long Parliament without its own consent, the Bill against the Contraband of war, dispute on the nature of, vi. 40 Contract, the Great, discussed and broken off, ii. 69 ; resumed consideration of, 83 ; is broken off, 107 Contribution for the war with Scotland, the, is demanded, ix. 7 ; small amount of, 25 Contributions of money, plate, or horses, demanded by Parliament, x. 201 Convention of Estates, held in Edinburgh in 1640, ix. 148 Convocation of the province of Canterbury, presses the canons of 1604 against the nonconformists, i. 195 ; draws up the canons of 1606, 289 ; its legislative power questioned by the Commons, 291 ; is declared by Bishops Buckeridge, Howson, and Laud to be the proper judge of controversies in the Church, v. 402 : acknowledgment, in the King's Declaration, of the authority of, vii. 21 ; the Commons challenge the authority of, 48 ; grants six subsidies, ix. ic8 : con- tinues to sit after the dissolution of Par- liament, 142 ; confirms its grant of subsidies and issues new canons, 143 ; its right to sit after the diisolution of Parliament questioned, 147 ; dissolution of, 148 ; its composition contrasted with that of the proposed national synod, .x. 101 Convocation, the Irish, Wentworth's deal- ings with, viii. 52 Conway, Lord, 1624-1627 (Edward Con- way), is appointed a member of the Com- mittee on foreign allairs, v. 323 ; makes a confused statement in applying to the Commons for supply, 404 ; is attacked for giving a protection to a Catholic lady, 270 INDEX. CON 413 ; tells the Council of War that it must vote without debating, 428 ; re- monstrates through the ambassadors in France on the Queen's refusal to be crowned, vi. 48 ; assures the Commons that Buckingham has done nothing with- out counsel, 84 : does not believe that the French wish to quarrel with Eng- land, 89 ; sends away the (Jueen's French attendants, 136 ; speaks of Bucking- ham as Judas for wishing to make peace with Spain, 163-. See Conway, Sir Edward ; Conway, ist Viscoiuit Conway, Sir Edward, is sent to mediate in Germany, iii. 361 ; is ordered to go to Brussels, 363 : gives advice to the Princes of the Union, 368 ; witnesses the battle of Prague, 383 ; recall of, 387 ; become? Secretary of State, iv. 410 ; writes to the Prince that his father wishes him to come home at once, v. 58 ; writes to Buckingham on James's objec- tions to some of the marriage articles, 64 ; wishes that Rutland may have a fair wind, 97 ; negotiates with the Spa- nish ambassadors on the relaxation of the penal laws, 99 : misrepresents to the Dutch the negotiation with Spain for a partition treaty, 174 : supports Bucking- ham against Spain, 177 ; teaches Buck- ingham to envy the financial resources of the Dutch, 195 ; is a member of the Council of War, 223 ; countersigns Charles's engagement in favour of the Catholics, 278 ; suggests that Christian IV. shall share the expense of the league proposed by Gustavus, 298 ; is made Lord Conway, 310. See Conway, Lord ; Conway, ist Viscount Conway, Sir Edward, the younger, de- scribes the condition of the army at RhcJ, vi. 181. See Conway, 2nd Viscount Conway, ist Viscoiuit. 1627-1630 (F.dward Conw.ay), orders Wilmot to ship his men at Plymouth, vi. 192 ; ill-health of, 341 ; resigns the Secretaryship,- and becomes President of the Council, 372 ; death of, vii. 194. See Conway, Sir Edward ; Conway, I^ord Conway. 2nd Viscount, 1630 (Edward C'inway), appointed to command the Horse in the second Bishops' War, i.\. 84 ; condition of his soldiers, 152 ; executes a soldier by martial law, ih. ; complains to Strafford that Northumberland has ques- tioned the legality of his proceedings, 163; begs to be allowed to lay an imposition on the townsmen of Newcastle for building fortifications, ib. ; is empowered to exer- cise martial law, 176 ; reports that the Scots are not ready to invade England, 182 : is convinced that an invasion is im- pending, 184 : complains that Newcastle is indefensible, and asks for reinforce- ments, 185 ; is ordered to fortify New- castle, 186; reports that the Scots .are behaving well in Northumberland, i8(j ; is unprepared to meet an enemy in the COR field. 192 ; attempts to defend the ford at Newburn, 193 ; is routed by the Scots, 194 ; evacuates Newcastle, and brings his troops to Darlington, 195. See Con- way, Sir Edward, the younger Conyers. Sir John, commands the garrison of Berwick, ix. 84 ; reports that the Scots are not ready to invade England, 182 ; intention of the Army Plotters to dis- place, 313 ; complains of Chudleigh's proceedings. 324 : is sounded on the feasibility of bringing the army to Lon- don, 398 : refuses to have anything to do with the second Army Plot, 400 ; the Commons ask for his appointment as Lieutenant of the Tower, x. 109 ; the Lords object to ask Charles to make him Lieutenant of the Tower, 154 ; is named Lieutenant of the Tower, 165 Cook, ."Vlan, his misconduct as Chancellor of the Diocese of Kilmore, vlii. 42 Coote, Sir Charles, cruelty of the soldiers of, X. 114 : burns Clontarf, and provokes the Catholic lords, 115 Cope, Sir Walter, his apology for Salisbury, ii. 144 ; becomes Master of the Wards, 207 Copley, Anthony, takes part in Watson's plot, i. 109 : gives information to P.lack- well, 113 ; is convicted, 138 ; is banished, 139 Corbet, Richard {B'shop of Oxford, 1628 ; of Nonvich. 1632), his remarks on pews, vii. 313 ; becomes Bishop of Norwich, Corbet, Sir John, applies for a habeas corpus, vi. 213 Corbie, is taken by the Cardinal Infant, viii. 161 ; is retaken by the French, 164 Corbridge, drownings at, x. 67 Cordova, Gonz.ilo Fernandez de, informs Frederick's officers that he will not fight without special orders, iv. 209 ; seizes Stem, 215; refuses to help Tilly, 307 ; joins Tilly, and helps him to defeat the Margrave of Baden at Wimpfen, 310 ; combines with Tilly in defeating Chris- tian of Brunswick, at Hochst. 318 ; rav- ages the Palatinate, 321 ; fights with Mansfeld at Fleurus, 342 Cork, refuses to admit an English garrison, i. 367 ; procession of priests and friars at, 368 ; submits to Mountjoy, 371 Cork, Earl of, 1620 (Richard l^oyle), is one of the Lords Justices, viii. 27 ; character and conduct of, 33 ; is fined for appro- priating Church property, and is ordered to remove Lady Cork's tomb, 44 ; efforts made in his favour at the English Court, Cornwallis, Sir Charles, appointed ambas- sador in Spain, i. 342 ; supports the de- mands of the English merchants, 354 ; returns to England, ii. 134 : is imprisoned, 250 ; sent as commissioner to Ireland. 205 Coronation of James L i. 116 ; of Charles \. ^'- 49 Corporation, the new, vui. 290 INDEX. 271 COR Correr, Angelo, his remarks on the collec- tion of ship-money, vii. 37^- Corunna, gathering of a Spanish fleet at, Coryton, William, is ready to vote supply on condition of asweepini; inquiry, v. 413 ; M:pports the Petition of Right.'vi. 274; strikes a member of the House, vii. 69 ; asks that Eliot's protestation may be read, 72 ; having been imprisoned, makes his submission, and is released, 80 Cosin, John, assists Montague in the pub- lication of Appello Citsarein, vii. 9 ; his Book of Dez'otions, 10 ; Puritan opposi- tion to, 11; receives a special pardon, 23 : is charged with ceremonial innova- tions at Durham, 44 ; gives his opinion on the Ro\'al Supremacy, 46 ; charge brought against, 47 ; Eliot accuses Heath ofstifling a charge against, 49 ; is charged with reading The Preparation for the Afass, 56 : Bishop Howson prohibited from proceeding against, 129 ; preaches on the Peace of Jerusalem, 159 ; arrange- ment of his church, 267 Cottington, Francis, lays the case of the English merchants before the Spanish Government, ii. 134 ; is appointed Eng- lish Consul at Seville, 151 ; is employed to beg Sarmiento to warn James against the French alliance, 226 ; is Agent at Madrid, iii. 279 ; returns from Spain, and becomes Secretary to Prince Charles, iv. 373 ; objects to the Prince's journey to Spain, V. 4 ; is threatened by Bucking- ham, 322. See Cottington, Sir Francis ; Cottington, Lord Cottington, Lord, 1631 (Francis Cotting- ton), expresses satisfaction at Vane's fail- ure to come to terms with Gustavus, vii. 206 ; talks of the decline of the Spanish monarchy, 215 ; is appointed to carry on a negotiation with Necolalde, 349 : becomes a Commissioner of the Treasury, 379 ; is spoken of as likely to be Lord 'IVeasurer, viii. 68 ; conduct of, on the Treasury Commission, 69 ; appointed Master of the Wards, 70 ; quarrels with Laud about the soap monopoly, 71 ; is in favour with the Queen, 87 ; supports the King's proposal to enclose Richmond Park, ib. ; is thought to be sure of the Lord Treasurership, 88 ; takes Bagg's part in the Star Chamber, 89 : takes off his hat when the Pope's name is men- tioned, 136 ; assures Panzani that Parlia- ment is not about to be summoned, 137 ; declares himself a Catholic vhen ill, and loses his chance of becoming Lord Treasurer, 140 ; intrigues with France and Spain, ib. ; my-tifies .Seneterre, 141 ; gives an opinion of Laud's temper, 149 ; is thought to have been bribed by Spain, 162 : is offered a bribe by Loftus, 194 ; urges the King to favour Williams, 252-; votes for war with Scotland, 350 ; de- clares it to be impossible to find money for the war, ix. 24; speaks rovghly to COT the Lord Mayor and aldermen, 39 ; is a member of the Committee of Eight, 74 : says that the Lower House is weary of King and Church, 122 ; employs an agent to borrow money from France, 157 ; is .sent to the City to induce the citizens to lend, 174 ; begs for a loan from France, 175 : obtains money by the sale of pepper, 190 : is appointed Constable of the Tower, 191 ; proposal to impeach, 226 ; wishes to surrender his offices, 260 ; gives evi- dence that he does not remember hearing Strafford propose to bring over the Irish army, 321. See Cottington, Francis ; Cottington, Sir Francis Cottington, Sir Francis, makes his peace with Buckingham, and is sent to Dover to hire a ship for the Prince, v. 6 ; is com- missioned to ask the Spanish Govern- ment to allow the Prince to return to England, 51 ; carries a message from Charles to England, 53 ; brings to James the news that the Infanta is not to accompany the Prince, 56; returns to Spa'n with the signatures of the King and Council to the articles of marriage, 101 ; temporary conversion of, 102 ; is excluded from Charles's Court, 321 ; is out of Buckingham's favour, 322 ; be- comes a Privy Councillor, vi. 371 ; pro- posal to send to negotiate a peace with Spain, vii. 103 ; is appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer and ambassador to Spain, 105 ; is ordered to set out, 107 ; urges Charles to ally himself with Spain against the Dutch, 108 ; fails to persuade Olivares to make a positive engagement to effect the restitution of the Palatinate, 171 ; proposes to Spain a league against the Dutch, 172 ; signs a treaty of peace with Spain, 175 : signs a treaty for the partition of the Netherlands, 176 : brings home 80,000/. to be sent in bills of ex- change to the Spanish Netherlands, 177 ; is created a baron, 178. See Cottington, Francis ; Cottington, Lord Cotton, John, is influenced by Sibbes, vii. 260; emigrates to New England, 317 Cotton, Sir Robert, draws up a report on the navy, ii. 187 ; carries on a .secret ne- gotiation with Sarmiento, 321 ; declares himself to be a Catholic, 326 ; informs Sarmiento that Somerset is to conduct the marriage treaty, 327 ; prepares a par- don for Somerset, 329 ; affixes false dates to letters written to Somerset, 337 ; arrest of, 346 ; is examined on his negotiation with Sarmiento. 347 ; is sent to search Coke's papers, iv. 267 ; speech ascribed to, V. 425 ; is heard before the Council on the proposed debasement of the coinage, vi. 138 ; meeting of the leaders of the Commons at the house of, 230 ; proposes to refute Dudley's paper of advice, 139 ; is prosecuted in the Star Chamber on account of the discovery of Duoley'f paper in his library, 140 ; death of, 141 ^72 JXDEX. cou Council of the North, the, Wentworth|s speech in, vii. 24 ; Bellasys makes his submission to Wentworth in, 230 ; is without Parliamentary authority, 232 ; its jurisdiction attacked by the courts at Westminster, 237 ; receives new instruc- tions, 239 ; abolition of, ix. 404 Council of Wales, abolition of, ix. 404 Council of War, a, formed to advise James on the war in the Palatinate, iii. 3S8 ; report of, iv. 31 ; formation of another announced by James, v. 202 ; appoint- ment of, 223; refuses to supply Mans- feld, 265 ; agrees to order the advance- ment of money to Mansfeld,_ 271 ; Man- sell's account of a discussion in, 428 ; the Commons wish to inquire into the advice given by, vi. 73 ; refuses to answer the questions put by the Commons, 74 ; sends in an estimate for the militarj' and naval expenditure of 1628, 239 ; estimates the number of men needed for a war with Scotland, ix. 84 Council, the Great, proposal to summon, i.x. 200 ; is summoned to meet at York, 201 ; is opened by Charles, 207 ; appoints com- missioners to treat with the Scots, 208 ; breaks up after accepting the agreement made with the Scots, 215 Council, the Privy, proceedings of, after Elizabeth's death, i. 85 ; asks the Irish Government to justify its pioceedings against the recusants, 396 ; recommends that Parliament shall be summoned in 1615, ii 564 ; James's relations with, iii. 72 : diocussion on the course to be taken with Raleigh in, 132 ; meets to hear James announce his intentions about Bo- hemia, 313 : advises that Philip shall be summoned to obtain the restitution of Heidelberg, iv. 371 ; supports Bucking- ham and Charles in their opposition to James s wish to rely on Spanish promises, 373 ; asks James to summon Parliament, 375 : agrees to the Spanish marriage treaty, v. 67 ; swears to observe the pub- lic articles, and not to exact penalties from the Catholics, 69 ; declares Buck- ingham to be innocent of the charges brought by Inojosa, 228 ; submission of the French marriage treaty to, 262 ; sanctions the suspension of proceedings against the recusants, 263 ; formation of, at Charles's accession, 319 ; adopts Buck- ingham's proposal to execute the penal laws against the Catholics, 418 ; meets to consider whether Pari ament is to be dissolved, 429 ; reprimands Mansell, vi. I : Charles resolves to consult on all oc- casions, 3 : takes measures for the de- fence of Harwich, 8 : recommends the sending of a fleet to bring away the Eng- lish ships from Rochelle, 38 ; directs a settlement of the dispute about French prize goods, 43 ; receives petitions for the release of the ' St. Peter ' of Havre de Grace, 65 ; does not recommend extreme measures against the Lords who refuse to ' COU pay the forced loan, 150 ; mission of mem- bers of, to collect the forced loan, 153 ; Calls before it the refusers of the loan, and commands them to obey the King, 155 ; is in favour of peace with France, 220; does not venture to express _ its opinion, 222 ; considers various devices for raising money, ib. ; assents to F>uck- ingham's proposal to raise a standing army, 223 ; policy of withdrawing from Continental engagements supported in, 225 ; its right to commit prisoners with- out showing cause asserted by Coventry, 258 ; the answer to be given to the Peti- tion of Right discussed in, 296 ; considers the question whether aid shall be given to the King of Denmark, 332 : orders as- sistance to be given to the officers of the Custom House, vii. 4 ; commits Chambers to the JMarshalsea, ib. ; approves the declaration prefixed to the Articles, 23 : assents to the King's declaration that the Custom House officers are not respon- sible to the Commons, 64 ; urges the mer- chants to pay tonnage and poundage, 82 ; attempts to relieve distress in Essex, 83 ; attempts to remove social abuses, 160; Cromwell summoned before, i65_; advises Charles to summon Parliament if he wishes to aid Gustavus, 193 ; recom- mends Charles to reject the terms offered by Gustavus, 196 ; orders the demolition of houses round St. Paul's, 246 ; the suit about the communion-table at St. Gregor\-'s brought before, 311 ; attempts to check emigration to New England, 318 ; the levy of ship-money proposed to, 357 ; approves of Charles s claim to the sovereignty of the seas, 358 : appoints a committee to consider ship-money, 359 ; directs the sherifl's to assess ship-money, viii. 93 ; insists upon having assessments for ship-money made by the sheriffs, 102 ; places restrictions on emigration, 167 ; is consulted on the affairs of Scotland, 349 ; fails to obtain money for the war with Scotland, ix. 25 ; attempts to extort a loan from the City, 39 ; orders the prose- cution of Lord Loftus, 72 ; Traquair's re- port to, 76 ; accepts Wentworth's advice to summon Parliament, 7b. ; offers a loan to Charles, 77 ; thinks of burning a here- tic, 82 : fails to induce the City to lend to the King, 98 ; votes for the dissolution of the Short Parliament, 117; orders watch to be kept after the Lambeth riots, 133 ; takes measures to enforce the pay- ment of ship-money, andofcoat-and-con- duct money, 141 ; proposed debasement of the coinage discussed in, i7i_; i& dis- tracted by the news of the Scottish inva- sion, 189 ; provides for the defence of London and the South of England, 191 ; asks Bedford to return to his own county, 198 ; suggests the calling of a Great Council, 200 : a copy of the Petition of the Twelve Peers brought before, 202 ; refuses to support the petition, ib. ; tries INDEX. 273 cou to stop the signing of a petition in the City, 205 Councillors' loan, the, offer of, ix. 77 ; final amount of, 136 Court of Wards, erected in Ireland, viii. 13 Courthope, Nathaniel, arrives at Pula- roon, iii. 168 ; defends Pularoon, 175 ; is drowned, 181 Courtney, Sir William, his regiment refuses to land on the Isle of Rhd, vi. 173 Covenant, the King's, in its first form, sent to Scotland, viii. 361 ; sent to Scotland in its second form, 363 ; is rejected, 364 Covenant, the National, drawn up by Johnston and Henderson, viii. 329 ; signed at Edinburgh, 333 ; is circulated for sig- nature through the country, 336 ; Charles demands the abandonment of, 339 ; Ha- milton suggests an explanation of, 344 ; Charles rejects the proposed explanation of) 345 ; Wentworth's opinion of, 354 ; attempt to enforce its signature in Aber- deen, 360 ; Huntly's refusal to sign, ix. 5 ; orders given by the Assembly of Edin- burgh to enforce the signature of, 50 Covenanters, the, negotiate with Hamilton, viii. 341 ; engage to do nothing for three weeks, 345 ; appeal to Assembly and Parliament agamst the King's declara- tion, 346 ; are encouraged by Hamilton, 347 ; send Montrose against Aberdeen, 358 ; charge the bishops before the Pres- bytery of Edinburgh, 368 : issue a mani- festo, 389 ; assume the offensive, i.\. i ; seize the strong places in Scotland, 2 ; blue badges given by ISIontrose to, 3 ; a price set on the heads of the leaders of, 9 ; write a letter to Essex, 12 ; Hamil- ton holds conferences with, 19 ; answer Charles's proclamation, 21 ; condition of the army of, 30 ; Treaty of Brunswick signed by, 40 ; propose to send troops to aid the Elector Palatine, 42 ; warm dis- cussions between Charles and some of the leaders of, 46 ; believe that Charles wishes to restore episcopacy, 47 ; dislike Traquair's appointment as Commissioner, 49 ; write a letter to the King of France, 91 ; seizure of the letter wriften by, 92 : Charles sends to Louis a copy of the letter written by, 97 ; canvass the depo- sition of Charles, 149 ; ask that their grievances may be redressed by the ad- vice of an English Parliament, 201 Coventrj', refuses to admit the King, x. 218 Coventry, ist Lord, 1628-1640 (Thomas Coventry), asserts the right of the Coun- cil to commit without showing cause, vi. 258 ; announces to the Commons that the King expects them to be content with his promise to observe the laws, 263 ; as- serts that no one ought to be imprisoned without cause shown, unless in a case of necessity, 278 ; is directed by the Lords to inform the King that their feeling is against a dissolution, 307 ; complains that the judges have bailed Chambers VOL. X. CRA without giving notice to the Council, vli. 5 ; asks Charles not to dissolve Parlia- ment after the session of 1629, 77 ; takes part in a conference on the terms on which bail is to be offered to the impri- soned members, 109 ; suggests to Sir John Walter to ask to retire from the Bench, 112 ; directs the judges toenforce the proclamation ordering country gen- tlemen to return to their homes, 240 ; is on the side of leniency in .ShcTfield's case, 257 ; brings charges against Portland, 355 ; approves of Noy's proposal to levy ship-money, 357 ; announces the King's intention to extend ship-money to the in- land counties, viii. 77 ; explains the King's claim to the sovereignty of the seas, and announces that ship-money must be paid by all counties, 79 : is silent on the nature of the King's right to le\'y ship- money, 80 ; does not favour the attempt of the Council to force the City to lend money, ix. 39 ; takes part in the Coun- cillors' loan, 77 ; death of, 84. See Co- ventry, Sir "Thomas Coventrj', 2nd Lord, 1640 (Thomas Coven- try'), prepares to execute the commission of array in Worcestershire, x. 210 Coventry, Sir Thomas, becomes Solicitor- General, iii. 81 ; becomes Attorney- General, iv. 23 ; becomes Lord Keeper, vi. 32 ; speaks at the opening of Parlia- ment, 59 ; informs the Commons that they have liberty of counsel, not of con- trol, 82 ; states that men refusing to be pressed cannot be hanged, 157 ; is created a Baron, 258. See Coventry, Lord Cowell, Dr., opinion of, condemned by the Commons, ii. 66 ; disavowed by the King, 67 Cowes, seizure of a ship by the Dutch in the roads of, v. 85 Cowper, William {Bishop of Galloway, 1613-1619), takes part in the composition of a Prayer-book for Scotland, vii. 282 Cradock, Matthew, proposes the transfer- ence of the Massachusetts Company to America, vii. 156 ; describes the military arrangements at the Tower, i.x. 233 ; says that the City cannot lend money unless the King's garrison is removed from the Tower, 237 ; states that the Northern army is to be supplied with munitions of war, 356 Craig, Dr., is ordered to leave the Court for remonstrating against Lady Buck- ingham's treatment of James, v. 313 Cranbome, Viscount, 1604 (Robert Cecil), accepts a Spanish pension, i. 215 ; wishes a balance between France and Spain, 217 ; refuses to insist upon the abandon- ment of the Dutch blockade of the Flemish ports, 218 ; is said to be favour- able to a marriage between Prince Henry and the Infanta Anne. 220; opposes the toleration of the Catholics, 226 ; created Earl of Salisbury, 230. Sec Cecil, Sir Robert ; Cecil, Lord ; Salisbury, Earl of 274 INDEX. CRA Crane, Sir Robert, brings a charge against Cosin, vii. 56 Cranfield, Lord, 1621 (Lionel Cranfield), becomes Lord Treasurer, iv. 228 ; asks the Commons for a supply, 233 ; is created an Earl, iv. 364. See Cranfield, Lionel ; Cranfield, Sir Lionel ; Middlesex, Earl of Cranfield, Lionel, early life of, iii. 198 ; is introduced to the King, 199. See Cran- field, Sir Lionel ; Cranfield, Lord ; Mid- dlesex, Earl of Cranfield, Sir Lionel, is appointed Sur- veyor-General of the Customs, iii. 199 ; reform of the Household effected by, 200 ; becomes Master of the Wardrobe, 203 ; becomes Master of the Wards, 212 ; marriage of, 213 ; attacks the referees, iv. 46 ; is jealous of Bacon's interference v/ith the Court of Wards, ib. ; blames Bacon for issuing bills of conformity, 57; promises to pay attention to the burdens on trade, 128 ; expected to succeed Bacon as Chancellor, 135 : is raised to the peerage, 140. Sec Cranfield, Lionel ; Cranfield, Lord ; Middlesex, Earl of Cranmer, Thomas (^Archbishop of Canter- bury), renounces transubstantiation, i. 10 ; his opinion on the introduction of innovations, iii. 245 Crashaw, Richard, writes verses prefixed to Shelford's Five Discourses, viii. 124 Craven, Lord, 1626 (William Craven), his name used as security for the advance of money for the Palatinate, vii. 343 ; offers to lend 30,000/. to the Elector Palatine, viii. 204 ; is taken prisoner by the Im- perialists, 376 Crawford, Earl of, 1639 (Ludovick Lind- say), his part in the Incident, x. 24 ; is set at liberty, 80 Crawley, Francis (yustice 0/ the Comvion Pleas, 1632), his judgment in the ship- money case, viii. 278 Crew, John, is sent to the Tower, ix. 129 Crew, Ranulph, Serjeant, takes part in the prosecution of Somerset, ii. 337. Sec Crew, Sir Ranulph Crew, Sir Ranulph {Chief Justice of the King's Bench), is dismissed from the Chief Justiceship, vi. 149 Crew, Sir Thomas, is Speaker of the first Parliament of Charles I., v. 339. See Q,T^wi, Thomas Crew, Thomas, is charged with a message on the conduct of the referees, iv. 48 ; asks who is the enemy, 238. See Crew, Sir Thomas Croft, Sir William, is the bearer of James's promise to accept the articles of mar- riage, V. 61 Crofty, the hill of, junction of the Lords of the Pale and the Ulster insurgents at, X. 115 Croke, Sir Ge.orge.(ytistice of the Common Pleas, 1624 ; of the King's Bench, 1628), gives a guarded opinion on the legality of ship-money, viii. 94; signs the judges' declaration on ship-money, 208 ; delivers CUL judgment in the case of ship-money. 278 Cromwell, Lord, 1607 (Thomas Cromwell), gives an account of the state of Mans- feld's army, v. 2S9 ; complains of Mans- feld's conduct, 33^6 ; warns Buckingham against his isolation, vi. 9 Cromwell, Oliver, family history of, vii. 51 ; early life of, 52 ; first parliamentary speech of, 55 ; objects to the new charter of Huntingdon, and is summoned before the Council, 165 ; removes to St. Ives, 166 ; his part in the disturbances caused by the drainage of the fens, viii. 297 ; nickname of ' Lord of the Fens ' impro- perly applied to, 298 ; moves the second reading of the Annual Parliament Bill, ix. 253 ; denies that a parity in the Church will lead to a parity in the common- wealth, 286 ; his limited practical in- sight, ib. ; passes on the Root-and- Branch Bill to Hazlerigg, 381 ; urges that there are passages in the Prayer- book to which learned divines cannot submit, X. 15 ; attacks Charles's appoint- ment of new bishops, 41 ; moves to entrust Essex with authority over the trained bands, 59 ; thinks that there will not be a long debate on the Grand Re- monstrance, 74 ; declares that if the Grand Remonstrance had been rejected he would have emigrated to America, 78 ; moves that the King be asked to remove Bristol from his counsels, 119 ; seizes the Cambridge college plate on its way to the King, 218 Crosby, Sir Piers, is removed from the Irish Privy Council by Wentworth for opposing him in Parliament, viii. 51 ; Wentworth prosecutes, in the Star Chamber, ix. 70 ; is fined, 71 Crucifix, the, Ferrar's reason for not using, _ vii. 26s ; employment of, at Lambeth, 308 Cubia, Don Pedro de, is sent to carry Spanish soldiers to the Netherlands, i. 340 ; is defeated by the Dutch, 341 Culmore, surprised by O'Dogherty, i. 42 Culpepper, Sir John, attacks the monopo- lies, ix. 238 ; wishes the Londoners' petition against episcopacy not to be re- ferred to a committee, 2S1 ; suggests a compromise, 287 ; carries up the im- peachment of Berkeley, 289 ; opposes Pym's proposal to compel the Londoners to lend, 295 ; wishes to meet the Army Plot by a remonstrance, 353 ; is a mem- ber of the committee for investigating the Army Plot, 358 ; is placed in the chair of the committee on the Scottish demand for unity of religion, and objects to the Scottish proposal of giving the two Parliaments a veto on the declaration of war, 377 ; proposes a change in the per- sons of the bishops, 388 ; opposes the interference of the Lords with a vote of the Commons, 414 ; is a member of the Committee of Defence, .x. 2 ; asks the House to provide a remedy against INDEX. 27S CUM those who vilify the Prayer-book, 14 ; wishes to extend the censure of the House to all who find fault with the Prayer-book, 15 ; objects to the employ- ment of Scottish troops in Ireland, 55 ; declares that Ireland must be defended at all coats, 57 ; opposes the Grand Re- monstrance, 75 ; offers to protest against the printing of the Grand Remonstrance, 76 ; criticises the Militia Bill, 96 ; objects to the issue of a declaration against toleration, 97 ; becomes Chancellor of the Exchequer, 127 : signs the protesta- tion of the Peers at York, 205 Cumberland, Earl of, 1605-1641 (Francis Clifford), commands the garrison of Car- lisle, viii. 385 Cumbernauld, the Bond of, signature of, ix. 181 Curie, Walter (Bis/u>/> of Rochester, 1628 ; 0/ Bath and Wells, 1629 ; of Witiches- ter, 1632), becomes Bishop of Winches- ter, vii. 314 Currants, imposition on, ii. 3 ; Bate's case in the Court of Exchequer, for refusing to pay the imposition on, 6 ; sale of Vas- sall's, ordered by the Court of Ex- chequer, vii. 168 Customs, the farmers of the, fine imposed on, ix. 379. See Tonnage and Poundage ; Impositions Dale, Sir Thomas, appointed Marshal of Virginia, ii. 60 ; becomes Governor of Virginia, 62 ; is reappointed Governor, iii. 156 ; is sent out to the East, 170 ; de- clares war on the Dutch, 179 ; defeats the Dutch and dies, 180 Dalkeith, Traquair, stows the King's gun- powder at, viii. 342 ; is taken by the Covenanters, ix. 2 Dalzell, Lord, 1628-1639 (Robert Dalzell), created Lord Carnwath, ix. 55 Danby, Earl of, 1626 (Henry Danvers), is named as Falkland's successor as Lord Deputy of Ireland, but declines to serve, viii. 27 ; protests against ship-money, 201 Danish troops, proposal to levy for em- ployment against the Scots, ix. 175 ; proposal to land at Hull, x. 153 Dansker, Captain, joins the Barbary pirates, iii. 65 Dante, desire for order of, i. 8 Darcy, Sir Francis, wishes Floyd to be twice pilloried and whipped, iv. 120 Darley, Henry, Strafford's imprisonment of, ix. 231 Darlington, retreat of Conway to, ix. 195 Darmstadt, proceedings of Mansfeld and Frederick at, iv. 313 Darnel, Sir Thomas, applies for a habeas corpus, vi. 213 Davenant, John {Bishop of Salisbury, 1621-1641), is chidden for preaching on predestination, vii. 132 ; forbids the vestry of St. Edmund's to remove a painted window, 255 ; receives Sher- fielii's submission, 257 DEN Davenant, William, attempts to fly, and is captured, ix. 360 Davenport, Christopher, alias Franciscus a Santa Clara, writes Deus, Natura, Gratia, viii. 134 Davenport, John, is driven from Amster- dam to New England, vii. 317 Davenport, Sir Humphrey {Chief Baron of the Exchequer, 1631), delivers judg- ment in the case of ship-money, viii. 279 Daventry, mutiny of soldiers at, ix. 172 Davey, Sir Francis, complains of the lenient treatment of the priests seized at Clerkenwell, vii. 57 Davies, Lady Eleanor, insanity of, vii. 302 ; is punished by the High Commis- sion, 303 Davies, Sir ]6hn[Solicitor-Generat of Ire- land, 1603 ; Attorney -General, 1606- 1619), character of, i. 38a ; becomes Attorney-General, and prosecutes Lalor, 401 ; describes the results which he expects from Chichester's government, 405 : accompanies Ley in the first circuit in Wicklow, x. 406 ; appears in Ulster to carry out the plantation, 439 ; disputes about his election as Speaker of the Irish House of Commons, ii. 290 ; is allowed to sit as Speaker, 299 Day of Dupes, the, vii. 184 Deadman's Place, capture of Separatists' meeting at, ix. 266 Dean, Forest of, investigation into the malpractices of Portland's clients in, vii. 362 ; commission for granting pardons for encroachments in, viii. 86 Deans and chapters, their suppression de- manded, ix. 372 Debtors, commission for the relief of, vii. Declaration of Sports, The, issued by James, iii. 251 ; opposition of the clergy to, 252 ; republished by Charles, vii. 321 ; is ordered to be read in churches, 322 Declaration of Religion, The, issued by Charles, vii. 21 ; Eliot's criticism on, 38 ; the Calvinists mainly affected by, 43 ; policy of, 126 ; is enforced against Bishop Davenant and Dr. Brooke, 132 ; enforced by Laud at Oxford, 134 ; is enforced by Charles at Oxford, 248 De la Warr, Lord, 1602-1618 (Thomas West), made Governor of Virginia, ii. 59 ; arrives in the colony, 61 ; returns to England, 62 ; is re-appointed Governor, iii. 159 ; death of, 160 Delft, the Prayer Book introduced into the Merchant Adventurers' Church at, vii. 216 Delft Haven, sailing of the Pilgrim Fathers from, iv. 158 Delvin, Lord, 1602 (Richard Nugent), his part in a conspiracy in Ireland, i. 413 Denbigh, Countess of, accompanies Charles and Henrietta Maria from Dover to Canterbury, v. 334 ; wish of Charles ttiat she shall be a lady of the bed- chamber to the Queen, vi. 4 ; takes part T 2 276 INDEX. DEN against the Queen at Titchfield, s : enters the QuTsen's household, 141 ; is agitated at the thought of Buckingham's danger, 348 ; is beheved to have asked Cosin to write his Book 0/ Devotions, vii. 10 Denbigh, Earl of, 1622 (William Fielding), is appointed Rear-Admiral of the ex- pedition against Cadiz, vi. 11 ; signs a protest that Digges had said nothing contrary to the King's honour, 112; captures three Frenfh ships, 142 ; is placed in command of a fleet for the re- lief of Rochelle, 228 ; complains to Charles of the state of his fleet, 239 ; bad condition of the fleet under the tharge of, 254 ; arrives off Rochelle, 291 ; fails to relieve Rochelle, 292 ; returns to England, and is ordered to refit his ships, 2Q3 ; is called a Puritan ass by Con, viii. 238. See Fielding, Sir William ; Field- ing, Viscount Denham, Sir John, becomes a judge, iii. 81 ; delivers judgment in the case of ship- money, viii. 279 Denmark House. See Somerset House Denmark, King of. See Cliristian IV. Dennison, Dr., abuses his parishioners in his sermon, viii. in De Plessen, Volrad, sent on a mission to England, iii. 292 Depopulations, commission on, viii. 77 ; fines exacted for, 199 Deposing power, claimed by the Popes, i. 292 Derbyshire, is ready to send its trained bands to the Northern army, Lx. 203 Dering, Sir Edward, moves the first read- ing of the Root-and-Branch Bill, ix. 382 ; speaks in favour of primitive episcopacy, 388 ; proposes that a national synod shall be assembled, x. 37 ; opposes a clause on the Grand Remonstrance, 72 ; defends the bishops from the charge of idolatry, 73 ; is summoned before the Commons to give account of his part in the Kentish petition, 181 Deny, captured and burnt by O'Dogherty, Desmarets, M., visits Raleigh, iii. 54 Deus, Naiura, Gratia, written by Chris- topher Davenport, viii. 134 ; is proscribed at Rome, 137 Deux Fonts, .Duke of. See Zweibrucken Devonshire, resistance to ship-money in, viii. 94 ; murder of Lieutenant Eure by soldiers from, ix. 172 Devonshire, Earl of, 1603-1606 (Charles Blount), Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, takes part in the negotiations with Spain, i. 208 ; accepts a Spanish pension, 215 ; marriage and death of, 372 Devonshire, Earl of, 1625-1628 (William Ca- vendish), protests against Buckingham's interpretation of Digges s words, vi. in D'Ewes, Sir Symonds, rejoices at the vic- tory of Gustavus at Breitenfeld, vii. 190 ; character of, 222 ; his remarks on passing DIG events, 223 ; comments on Prynne's sen- tence, 334 ; deplores the defeat of the Swedes at Nordlingen, 372 ; comments on Berkeley's doctrine that ship-money can be levied by a rule of government, viii. 104 ; questions the lawfulness of paj'ing interest, ix. 255; fears that Charles means to maintain the bishops, 269 ; opposes Pym's proposal to compel the Londoners to lend, 295 ; reminds the House that the bishops will have votes on the Attainder Bill, but not on the impeachment, 331 ; thinks the liberties and estates of Englishmen are in as great danger as their religion, 388 ; suggests the issue of ordinances, x. 4 ; objects to the order of the Lords, en- forcing the use of the Prayer Book, 17 ; asks the House to consider the Papal plot, 32 ,' criticises the Additional In- struction, 57 ; predicts confusion and calamity, in ; complains that forged speeches are circulated, 135 ; makes his will after the attempt on the five mem- bers, 140 ; quotes precedents to show that the King's mode of proceeding against the five members is a breach of the privi- leges of Parliament, 144 ; objects to the call on members to furnish money, 201 ; is kept at Westminster by his Puritanism, 208 ; pleads for an accommodation with the King, 210 Dicconson, Frances, defends herself against the charge of witchcraft, vii. 324 Dickson, David, is ready to persuade those who hesitate to sign the Covenant, viii. 333 ; accompanies Montrose to Aberdeen, 360 ; is Moderator of the Assembly of Edinburgh, ix. 50 Dieppe, Pennington's fleet at, v. 379 ; Pennington returns to England from 380 ; Pennington takes his fleet back to, and meets Nicholas and Effiat at, 387 ; Pennington sails again from, 391 ; sur- render of Pennington's fleet at, 394 Digby, Lord (George Digby), moves a vote of thanks to the Queen, ix. 273 ; char- acter of, 276 ; speaks for the reformation, and against the abolition, of episcopacy, 277 ; speaks against the Attainder Bill, 338 ; political conversion of, ib. ; de- clares that Goring was not bound by his oath, and has to leave the House, 385 ; is created a peer, 386 ; the Com- mons censure his speech on the At- tainder Bill, and ask that he may not be sent as ambassador to France, 407 ; is appointed ambassador to France 416 ; asks the Lords to declare that Parliament is no longer free, x. 119 ; rejection of the motion of, 120 ; is the probable contriver of the protest of the bishops, 123 ; sug- gests the impeachment of the five mem- bers, 129 ; is said to have offered to prove that Mandeville had directed the mob against Whitehall, 130 ; having under- taken to move for Mandeville's arrest, leaves the House without fulfilling his INDEX. 277 DIG •engagement, 131 ; urges tlie King to seize the five members, 133 ; wishes to carry them off from the City, 143 ; is intended to start for Holland and Den- mark, to secure assistance for Charles, 153 ; meets Lunsford at Kingston, 154 ; his letter to the Queen from Middelburg is intercepted, 167 ; is impeached, ib. ; abandonment of his proposed mission to Copenhagen, 188 ; is carried into Hull, and urges Hotham to surrender the place to the King, 211; is allowed to escape, 212 Digby, Lord, 1618-1622 (John Digby), ad- vises James to convince Spain that he means to defend the Palatinate, iii. 334 ; remonstrates with Gondomar, 337 ; ac- companies Buckingham in his interview with Gondomar on the subject of the partition of the Netherlands, 359; foreign policy of, 373 ; insists that Spain must allow an English fleet to attack Algiers, 375 ; receives a present of plate from the East India Company, iv. 79 ; nego- tiates at Brussels for peace, 189 ; receives instructions for his mission to Vienna, 200 ; negotiates at Vienna, 204 ; recom- mends James to send a fleet to the coast of Spain, 207 ; is dissatisfied with Fre- derick, 212; complains of the conduct of Frederick's officers, 215 ; combines with the Emperor in drawing up a scheme of pacification, and leaves Vienna, 216 ; meets Mansfeld, 218 ; borrows money for the defence of Heidelberg, 222 ; speaks in favour of peace at Brussels, 223 ; returns to England, 224 ; makes a report to James, 228 ; temporary popu- larity of, 229 ; appeals to Parliament for money to defend the Palatinate, 232 ; is disappointed at James's resolution to dis- solve Parliament, 268 ; attempts to me- diate, 269; policy of, contrasted with that of Gondomar, 270 ; receives instructions to propose the partition of the Nether- lands, 273 ; finds his policy frustrated by the dissolution of Parliament, 293 ; re- turns to Spain, 330 : fails to discover the secret policy of Zuniga, 331 ; asks the Spanish Government to give assurances of its intention to proceed with the mar- ■riage treaty, 333 ; has an interview with the Infanta, 334 ; urges the Spanish Government to procure a cessation of hostilities in Germany, ib. ; obtains from the Council of State a resolution that satisfaction shall be given to the King of England, 336 ; is created an Earl, 364. See Digby, Sir John : Bristol, Earl of Digby, Sir Everard. See Gunpowder Plot. Digby, Sir John, appointed ambassador in Spain, ii. 135 : finds that the Spanish Government is not eager for an English marriage. 138 ; begs James to give up the idea of marrying his son to an Infanta, 139 ; endeavours to obtain jus- tice for the English merchants in Spain, 149 ; coolness of the Spanish Govern- DIS ment towards, 163 ; discovers the secret of the Spanish pensions, 216 ; returns to England, 217 ; prepares to go back to Madrid, 256 ; advises James to marry his son to a Protestant, 257 ; foreign policy of, 258 ; opens informal negotia- tions at Madrid on the marriage treaty, 316 ; returns to England to give expla- nations on Somerset's connection with Sarraiento, 346 ; advises the King to abandon the Spanish treaty, and is made Vice-Chamberlain, 390 : receives a grant of the manor of Sherborne, iii. 30 ; receives instructions formally to open the negotiations for the marriage, 61 ; is ordered to support the plan for an ex- pedition against Algiers, 71 ; returns to Spain and negotiates with Aliaga, 103 ; returns to England, 104 ; is created Lord Digby of Sherborne, 106. See Digby, Lord ; Bristol, Earl of Digby, Sir Kenelm, is ordered by the Commons to give an account of the Catholic contribution, ix. 269 Digges, Sir Dudley, takes part in a debate on impositions, ii. 239 ; asks for inquiry into the issue of bills of conformity, iv. 57 ; speaks in the debate on Floyd's case, 120 ; draws attention to the im- prisonment of Sandys, 233 ; wishes for a war of diversion, 235 ; supports a peti- tion on religion, 248 ; supports a motion for adjournment, 251 ; expresses satis- faction with the King's answer to the Commons' petition for liberty of discus- sion, 255 ; is sent to Ireland, 267 ; opens Buckingham's impeachment, vi. 99 ; is sent to the Tower, 109 ; the Lords' report of the words spoken by, called in question, in ; is liberated, 112 ; is dis- missed from the justiceship of the peace, 126 ; finds fault with the commanders of the soldiers, 247 ; wishes to modify the Bill of Liberties, 265 ; approves of the Petition of Right, 274 ; advises the House to go home if it has not free- dom of speech, 304 ; approves of Pym's proposal to discuss the legality of tonnage and poundage before raising a question of privilege, vii. 62 ; does not support Eliot in his resolution to appeal to the country, 67 Dillon, of Costello, Viscount, 1630 (Thomas Dillon), is sent with overtures to the Irish Catholics from the King, X. 96 ; arrives in Ireland, 112 ; returns to England and informs Charles of the conditions oflFered by the Catholic lords, 113 ; is arrested and explains the de- mands of the Irish Catholics, ib. Dillon, Sir James, proposes to seize Dub- lin Castle, X. 50 Discipline, the Scottish Second Book of, i. 25 ; is approved by the General Assembly, 47 Discoz'ery of Witchcraft, by Reginald Scot, vii. 323 Dissolution of the Long Parliament with- 278 INDEX. DIV out its own consent, the Bill against the, is brought in, ix. 360 ; passes both Houses, 361 ; Charles gives the Royal assent to, 367 ; constitutional importance of, 373. Dives, Sir Lewis, sent by the King to Hull, X. 192 Divine Right of Kings, the language of the Canons of 1640 on, ix. 144 Divine Tragedy lately acted. A, written by Prynne, viii. 226 Doderidge, }dhn{Solicitor-General, 1604; King-' s Serjeant, 1607), becomes Solici- tor-General, i. 297 ; is made King's Serjeant, 340. See Doderidge, Sir John Doderidge, Sir John (^Justice of the King's Bench, 1612-1628), is startled by the strength of the argument in defence of the five knights, vi. 215. ^«« Doderidge, John Dohna, Baron Achatius, is sent to Dres- den, iii. 308 ; is sent to urge James to d«fend the Palatinate, 332 ; attempts to raise a loan in the City, 340 ; is allowed to levy volunteers, 354 ; selects Sir H. Vere for the command in the Palatinate, and is insulted by Sir E. Cecil, 358; leaves England, 392 Dohna, Baron Christopher, sent on a mission to England, iii. 285 ; is sent back to England to ask James to con- sent to Frederick's election in Bohemia, 311 ; leaves England, 314 Dominis, Marco Antonio de, Archbishop of Spalatro, early life of, iv. 282 ; prepares a work for publication, 283 ; arrives in England, where he becomes Master of the Savoy, and Dean of Windsor, 2S4 ; expects to be made Archbishop of York, 285 ; resolves to leave England, 286 ; return to Rome and imprisonment of, 287 ; death and character of, 288 Donauworth, occupied by the Duke of Bavaria, i. 92 ; entered by Gustavus, vii. 197 Doncaster, Viscount, 1618-1622 (James Hay), appointed ambassador to mediate in Bohemia, iii. 289 ; receives his in- structions, 300 ; visits Brussels, 301 ; sup- ports Frederick's demand for English aid, 303 ; visits Maximilian at Munich, 304 ; tries to persuade Ferdinand to ac- cept Jame~s's mediation, 305 ; is told that he is too late, 306 ; is treated with cool- ness by the Bohemians, and retires to Spa, 307 ; is sent to congratulate the Emperor, 324 ; is ordered to visit the Hague, 325 : returns to England, 332 ; is sent to France to mediate between Louis Xin. and the Protestants, iv. 291 ; is sent again to France, 292 ; is created Earl of Carlisle, 364. See Hay, Lord ; Carlisle, Earl of Dorchester, Viscount, 1628-1631 (Dudley Carleton), is in favour of peace with France and an active intervention in Germany, vi. 341 ; receives from Con- DOW tarini a proposal for a peace with France, 345 ; delivers a message to Buckingham just before his assassination, 349; sup- ports Contarini's negotiation, 366 ; be- comes Secretary of State, 372 ; takes part in a conference on the terms on which bail is to be offered to the imprisoned members, vii. 109 ; his view of the judg- ment of the King's Bench in the case of Eliot, Holies, and Valentine, 120 ; death of, 194. See Carleton, Sir Dudley Dorset, Countess of, is entrusted with the care of Prince Charles, vii. 142 Dorset, ist Earl of, 1603-1608 (Thomas Sackville), Lord Treasurer, takes part in the negotiations with Spain, i. 208 ; ac- cepts a Spanish pension, 215 : has an interview with the judges before the hearing of the case of impositions, ii. 7 ; death of, 11 Dorset, 3rd Earl of, 1609-162 ^ (Richard Sackville), contributes to the defence of the Palatinate, iii. 343 ; wishes Yelverton to be heard before he is condemned, iv. "5 Dorset, 4th Earl of, 1624 (Edward Sack- ville), is admitted to the Pri\-y Council, vi. 133 ; recommends the King to raise money bj' prerogative, 138 ; urges the imprisonment of the Lords who refuse to pay the forced loan, 150; asks whether the Lords' additional clause will alter the Petition of Right, 282 ; believes the Petition of Right to be injurious to the King's government, 288 ; threatens Fel- ton with the rack, 359 ; takes Bagg's part in the Star Chamber, viii. 90 ; refer- ence by Bastwick to the duel fought by, 229 ; tells the vintners that they must expect to be robbed, 286 ; charges Hamil- ton with treason, ix. 7 ; excuses a party of lawyers who had drunk confusion to Laud, 13;: explains to Charles the effect of the Bill against the Dissolution of Parliament, 373 ; is placed by the King in command of a guard at Westminster, and orders his men to fire on a crowd, x. 86 Dorsetshire, resistance to sending men to Rochelle in, vi. 169 ; billeted soldiers turned out of doors in, 228 ; outrages of soldiers in, 253 ; murder of Lieutenant Mohun by the soldiers of, ix. 160 Dort, Synod of, iii. 260 Douglas, Sir Robert, is chosen as the Queen's agent at Rome, but dies sud- denly, viii. 138 Dover, defeat of a Spanish fleet off, i. 341 ; wretched condition of Mansfeld's troops at, v. 282 ; landing of Henrietta Maria at, 333 ; applauds Charles's proclamation for the maintenance of the established religion, x. 109 Downham, George {Bishop of Derry, 1616-1634), preaches against toleration, viii. 15 Downs, the, Oquendo's fleet takes refuge in, 60 ; defeat of Oquendo's fleet in, 68 INDEX. 279 DRA Drake, Sir John, becomes a partner in the Vice-Admiralty of Devon, vi. 144 Drama, the attack of Prynne on, vii. 327 Drogheda, Tichborne besieged in, x. 96 ; raising of the siege of, 174 Drummond, Edward, his mission to Italy, i. 80 Drummond, Jane, accepts a Spanish pen- sion, i. 215 ; exercises influence over the yueen, ii. 224. Sec Roxburgh, Lady Drummond, William, of Hawthornden, character of, vii. 295 ; appeals to Charles in favour of Balmerino, 296 ; welcomes the King's Covenant, viii. 363 Du Buisson, proposes a marriage between Charles and Henrietta Maria, iii. 212. Dublin, James I. proclaimed in, i. 364 ; proceedings in the Castle Chamber against the aldermen of, 392 ; plot for the seizure of the Castle, x. 50 ; is secured by Sir Francis Willoughby, 53 Duck, Dr., is attacked by a mob, ix. 211 Dudley, Sir Robert, paper of advice by, vii. 138 Duelling, proclamation against, ii. 212 Du Fargis, M., draws up a treaty between France and Spain, vi. 87 Dulbier, John, is Buckingham's chief mili- tary adviser, vi. 1S3 ; complains of the ignorance and the dissension in the army at Rh^, 199 ; is sent to Germany to raise horse, 224 ; his commission inquired into by the Commons, 308 ; is not to bring the horse to England, 318 ; proposed use of, in North Germany, 332 ; is ordered to keep his men on foot, 346 Dulvvich, Abbot consecrates a chapel in the college at, vii. 243 Dumbarton Castle is secured for the King, viii. 245 ; an officer sent to command, 367 ; is surprised by the Covenanters, ix. 2 ; is again captured by the Covenanters, 207 Dunbar, Earl of, 1605- 161 1 (George Hume), is sent to Scotland to insure the convic- tion of the Presbyterian ministers, i. 310 ; appears at the Assembly at Linlithgow, ii. 30 ; urges Balmerino to plead guilty, 33 ; death of, 121. Sec Hume, Sir George Dunfermline, ist Earl of, 1606-1622 (Alexander Seton), enters into a dispute with the clergy, i. 308 ; takes the part of the Catholics, ii. 31 ; persuades the Scot- tish Council to refuse to banish ministers who resist the Articles of Perth, vii. 274. Sec Seton, Alexander Dunfermline, 2nd Earl of, 1622 (Charles Seton), visits Charles at Berwick, ix. 47 ; is sent to England to plead the cause of the Scotush Parliament, 55 ; arrives in London, 73 ; is sent back to Scotland, 74 : returns to London, and negotiates with Charles, 91 : is placed in custody, 97 Dunglas, Leslie takes up his post at, ix. 22 ; Leslie's army leaves, 29 Dunkirk, ships from, blockaded in the Downs, V. 245 : Buckingham proposes an attack on, 325 ; cool reception by EAS Frederick Henry of Buckingham's pro- posal fora joint attack on, vi. 35 ; Charles asks Spain to cede, vii. 214 ; danger to England from a French occupation of, 347 ; increased importance of the posses- sion of, 348 ; proposal for an attack by the French and Dutch on, 366 ; Portland stigmatises an attack on, as a breach of international law, 373 ; Charles expects the French and Dutch will besiege, 382 ; vessels convoyed by Lindsey to, 384 ; Charles declares that he will vindicate his subjects' right to trade with, 388 ; money conveyed by an English ship from Spain to, viii. 100 ; expected French attack on, 156 ; money conveyed to, by Windebank's orders, 162 ; reinforcements sent to Oquendo from, ix. 67 ; escape of part of Oquendo's fleet to, 68 Dunkirk privateers, take refuge in Aber- deen and Leith, v. 79 ; treatment of, at Leith. 82; are attacked by the Dutch, 87 ; activity of, 428 ; are watched by Pen- nington, vi. 9 ; escape from port and destroy Dutch fishing-boats, 34 ; capture three of Denbigh's corn-ships, 293 ; a Dutch ship chased into Dover roads by, viii. 384 ; destroy Dutch herring-boats, and are pursued into English waters, 389 Dunne, John, strikes Nathaniel Dunne, viii. 78 Dunse, Arundel reads the King's procla- mation at, ix. 23 Dunse Law, Leslie's camp on, ix. 30 ; con- dition of the soldiers on, 31 Diu-ham, payment of the forced loan at, vi. 153 ; alleged ceremonial innovations at, vii. 44 ; action brought by Smart against the prebendaries of, 129 ; arrival of Charles at, ix. 13 ; seizure by the Scots of the lands of the Dean and Chap- ter of, 189 ; flight of Conway's troops to, 194 ; is occupied by the Scots, 197 ; the Scottish army leaves, x. 6 Durham, county of, trained bands offered to Charles by, ix. 190 ; a contribution demanded by the Scots from, 203 Durham House, tumult caused by the in- terference of the constables with Catholics going to mass at, vi. 70 Durie, John, tries to interest Laud in a scheme for the union of the Protestant churches, vii. 314 Dutch Republic, the. See Netherlands, the United Provinces of the East Friesland, Mansfeld's invasion of, iv. 401 ; ill-treatment of the Count of, 402 East India Company, the, establishes fac- tories at Acheen, Bantam, and Surat, ii. 310 ; sends Sir Thomas Roe to Agra, 311 ; is dissatisfied at its exclusion from the spice trade, 312 ; negotiations carried oil at the Hague for its amalgamation with the Dutch Company, 313 ; its trade in the Spice Islands hindered by the Dutch, iii. 163 ; resolves to make good 28o INDEX. EAS its position, 167 ; sends out a fleet under Dale, 170; opens negotiations with the Dutch Companj', 171 ; carries on the negotiations, 174, 179 ; arrangement made with the Dutch for the division of the trade, 177 ; appeals to the King to settle a dispute about fortifications, 178 ; agrees to a treaty with the Dutch,_ 179 ; accord granting an indemnity to, signed by the Dutch, iv. 407 ; attempts to open a trade with Persia, and joins the Shah in the capture of Ormuz, v. 237 ; 10,000/. demanded by Buckingham from, 238 ; is charged with piracy, 239 ; is obliged to pay 20,000/., 240; makes over a con- signment of pepper to Charles, ix. 190 East Indies, the, rivalrj' between the Eng- lish and Dutch in, ii. 309 ; formation of the East India Company for trading in, 310 ; continuance of the struggle in, iii. 162 ; treaty signed with the Dutch for regu- lating the trade in, 179 ; fresh hostilities in, ib. ; news of the treaty reaches, 181 ; fresh outrages committed by the Dutch in, 353 ; negotiation with the Dutch for the restitution of goods taken in, iv. 273 ; relations between the English and the Dutch in, after, the accord of 1623, 407 ; failure of the attempt to share the trade of, between the English and the Dutch, V. 241 ; massacre of Amboyna in, 242. See East India Company Ecclesiastical reservation, the, ii. 89 Edict of Restitution, the, issue of, vii. 98 ; exasperation of the Protestants at, 174 ; Ferdinand refuses to modify, 187 ; _ is supported by the Elector of Bavaria, 179 ; feeling of the Elector of Saxony about, 180 ; is swept away by the vic- tory of GustaNois at Breitenfeld, 188 ; is abandoned by the Emperor at the Peace of Prague, 388 Edinburgh, tumult in, i. 63 ; dislike of the carvings in the King's chapel felt in, iii. 223 ; visit of James to, 224 ; resistance to the five articles in, 237 ; Black Saturday at, vii. 275 ; refusal to kneel at the com- munion in, 276 ; ceremonies at the King's coronation in, 285 ; the surplice used at St. Giles's Church in, 288 ; erection of a bishopric of, 291 ; riot caused by the reading of the new Prayer Book in, viii. 314 ; second riot in, 320 ; Charles orders the removal of the Council and the Court of Session from, 321 ; third riot in, 322 ; signature of the Covenant' at the Grey Friars' Church in, 333 ; Hamilton hopes to gain the castle of, 342 ; arrival of Hamilton at, 343 ; treaty between Hamil- ton and Mar for the surrender to the King of the castle of, 345 ; reading of the King's Declaration at, 346 ; Hamilton purchases the castle of, 367 ; the bishops charged before the Presbytery of, 368 ; the Covenanters capture the castle of, ix. 2 ; Assembly and Parliament ap- pointed to meet in, 41 ; Ruthven ap- pointed governor of the castle of, 44 ; ELB riot at, 45 ; meeting of the Assembly at, 49 ; reinforcement of the garrison of the castle of, 92 ; fall of part of the wall of the castle of, 94 ; siege laid by the citi- zens to, 112 ; some of the inhabitants killed by the fire from the castle of, 148 ; surrender of the castle of, 207 ; arrival of Charles at, x. 5 ; Charles feasted Ln, 18 ; armed followers of Argj-le and Hamilton in, 23 ; flight of Argy^le, Hamilton, and Lanark from, 25 Edmondes, Sir Thomas, sent as ambassador to Paris after the murder of Henry IV., ii. 99 ; is sounded on the chance of a marriage between the Princess Elizabeth and the Elector Palatine, 137 ; ordered to propose a marriage between Prince Henry and the Princess Christina, 155; returns to England and becomes a Privy Councillor, 396 : is consulted by Scarna fissi on the proposed attack on Genoa, iii. 51 ; Raleigh's charges against, 144 ; thinks that more than three subsidies cannot be granted, v. 200 ; asks for two subsidies and two fifteenths, 408 ; asks the Commons to forget and forgive, vi. 233 ; attempts to release the Speaker, vii. 68 Edward I., reign of, i. i Edward VI., reign of, i. 11 Effiat, Marquis of (Antoine de Ruz^), is sent as ambassador to England, v. 253 ; gains over Buckingham, 254 ; obtains Buckingham's support in urging James to sign an article in the French mar- riage treaty in favour of the Catho- lics, 257 ; is shown the despatches of Carlisle and Kensington, 261 ; lays be- fore James a plan for pacifying Germany, 266 ; receives from James permission to hire English ships to be used against Rochelle, 305 : is allowed to take a number of priests on his return to France, 377 ; negotiates with Nicholas at Dieppe, 387 ; is unable to procure the surrender of Pennington's fleet, 390 ; receives the surrender of Pennington's fleet, 394 Egerton, Edward, Chancery suit of, iv. 60 ; bribe off'ered to Bacon by, 62 Egerton, Lady Alice, takes the part of the lady in Comus, vii. 335 Egerton, Sir Rowland, gives a gratuity to Bacon, iv. o^ Egerton, Sir H\vomzs,(_Lord Keeper, 1596), his behaviour in the Council after Eliza- beth's death, i. 85 ; becomes Lord Chan- cellor, and is raised to the peerage, 107. See EUesmere, Lord Egleshara, Dr., accuses Buckingham ot poisoning James, vi. 352 Eglinton, Lord, 1612 (Alexander Mont- gomery), is ordered to defend the South- West of Scotland, ix. 148 Ehrenbreitstein, is occupied by the French, vii. 350 Eikon Basilike, quotation from, ix. 216 Elbe, the, arrival of Morgan's troops in, INDEX. 281 ELD vi. 165 ; commerce of, stopped by an English squadron, 187 El Dorado, fable of, ii. 372 Elector Palatine. See Frederick IV. and Frederick V. Electress Palatine. See Elizabeth Eliot, James, tells Charles that Purgatory is in Spain, v. 44 Eliot, John, elected to the Parliament of 1614, ii. 231. See Eliot, Sir John Eliot, Sir John, is elected to the Parliament of 1624, V. 185 ; character of, 186 ; speaks in defence of liberty of religion, 187 ; proposes to fit out a fleet by means of the penalties of the Catholics, 191 ; calls for a war with Spain, 199 ; proposes that thanks shall be given to James and Charles, 226 ; writes to Buckingham that he is wholly devoted to him, 320 ; speaks on religion, 342 ; denounces Wentworth as Catiline, 350 ; contrast between Wentworth and, ib. ; remonstrates with Buckingham on the demand for further supply, 367 ; is shocked at Buckingham's answer, 360 ; moves that the Lord Keeper be asked who authorised him to pass a pardon for a Jesuit, 397 ; com- plains of the e.xtent of the proposed war, and of the little result apparent, 413 ; acquits Buckingham of blame for the delay of the fleet, 414 ; speech falsely attributed to, 425 ; watches events, vi. 60 ; feels compassion for the soldiers at Plymouth, 61 ; but does not break with the Government, ib. ; demands inquiry into the Cadiz voyage and earlier dis- asters, 62 ; objects to a grant of supply till the inquiry is complete, 63 ; presides over the committee appointed to investi- gate the case of the ' St. Peter ' of Havre de Grace, 65 ; attempts to discover the truth about the quarrel with France, 66 ; only finds out part of the truth, 67 ; en- courages the House to persist in its inquiry' into Buckingham's conduct, 79 ; recites the foreign miscarriages and domestic oppressions of the Government, 80 ; quotes precedents from the reign of Henry \\\. and Richard H., 81; pro- poses that a resolution for the grant of subsidies shall be passed, but not con- verted into a Bill, ib. ; advises the Com- mons to draw up a remonstrance, 83 ; sums up the charges against Bucking- ham, 103 ; compares Buckingham to Sejanus, 105 ; is sent to the Tower, 109 ; is charged with things e.xtrajudicial to the House, 112 ; is liberated, no proof that he is in league with Blainville being forthcoming, 113 ; is cleared by the House,- 114 ; refuses to appear against Buckingham in the Star Chamber, 123 ; is dismissed from the justiceship of the peace, 125 : is deprived of the Vice- Admiralty of Devon, 144 ; is imprisoned for refusing to pay the forced loan, 157 ; argues against the loan in a petition to the King, 212 ; declaims against arbi- ELl trary taxation, 233 ; and against a power assumed to alter religion, 234 ; compari- son between him and Wentworth, 236 ; produces a copy of Anderson's reports in the handwriting of the Chief Justice, 244 ; objects to the grant of a supply to enable Charles to send out another expedition, 246 ; gives an account of the violence of the soldiers at Plymouth, 247 ; resists Wentworth's motion for a grant of five subsidies, 250 ; objects to Coke's mention of Buckingham as a mediator with the King, 252 ; protests against the subjection of civilians to martial law, 254 ; argues against Sir E. Coke's proposal to fi.x the dates of the payment of the subsidies, 255 ; wishes the Commons to reject the Lords' pro- positions, 264 ; supports the Bill of liberties, 265 ; asks that the King's an- swer to the Remonstrance may be dis- cussed in committee, 272 ; moral worth of, ib. \ attacks Wentworth for wishing to come to an understanding with the Lords, 284 ; moves the postponement of the consideration of the King's first answer to the Petition of Right, 297 ; resolves to attack Buckingham, 298 , attacks the foreign policy and the mili- tary administration of the Crown without mentioning Buckingham's name, 299 ; asks that a Remonstrance may be framed, 301 ; is interrupted by the Speaker in an allusion to Buckingham, 303 ; refuses to continue his speech, 304 ; expresses satisfaction at the King's with- drawal of his prohibition to discuss the state of aflfairs, 308 ; is recommended by Williams to the King, 340 ; argues on Chambers's petition that the judges are responsible, vii. 37 ; speaks on religion, ib. ; criticises the King's declaration on religion, 38 ; wishes the House to define its doctrine, 40 ; advises the House to attack the Arniinians, 42 ; accuses Heath of stifling a charge against Cosin, 49 : attacks Neile, 50 ; advises that the farmers of the customs be called to ac- count, 59 ; urges the House to discuss whether the Custom House officers are delinquents or not, 61 ; opposes Pym's motion that the question of the legality of tonnage and poundage shall take pre- cedence of the question of privilege, 62 ; opposes May's view that obedience to the King's commands is not delinquency, 63 ; insists upon calling the Custom House officers to account, 64 ; resolves to appeal to the country, 67 ; attempts to speak to the question of adjournment, 68 ; proposes resolutions, 69 ; oflTers to read his own motion, 70 ; proposes to impeach Weston, 71 ; explains his pro- posed resolutions, 72 ; declares that he shall be ready to produce evidence against Weston at the next meeting of the House, 73 ; bums his resolutions, 74 ; is sent to the Tower, 77 ; refuses to 282 INDEX. ELI answer questions on his Parliamentary conduct, 80 ; visits paid to him in the Tower, 81 ; does not join the other imprisoned members in applying for a habeas corpus, 90 ; applies for bail at the end of the term, 96 ; information in the King's Bench against, iii ; is trans- ferred to the Marshalsea, 115; argument of Heath against, ib. ; declines the juris- diction of the Court, 119 ; fine imposed on, ib. ; is sent back to the Tower, 121 ; fights the battle of his countrymen, 122 ; rejoices at the successes of Gustavus, 190 ; disbelieves a rumour of a new Parliament, and writes the Negotutin Posieyorum, 191 ; draws up notes for a speech, 192 ; stricter imprisonment of, 193 ; writes the Monarchy of Man, 224 ; writes to Hampden on the state of his health, 225 ; asks leave to go out of the Tower, 226 ; death of, 227 ; is buried in the Tower, 228 Elizabeth, daughter of Henry IV., pro- posal to marry her to Prince Henry, i. 107 Elizabeth (Electress Palatine and titular Queen ojf Bohemia), leaves England with her husband, ii. 162 ; urges Frederick to accept the Crown of Bohemia, iii. 309 ; a-companies him to Prague, 316 ; hopes for success after the battle of Prague, iv. 175 ; gives birth to Prince Maurice iit Custrin, 176; is forbidden to visit England, 182 ; begs her husband not to join the Dutch army, 211 ; her health drunk at the Middle Temple, 399 ; cor- responds with Roe, vii. 98 ; refuses Charles's invitation to live in England, 208 ; distrusts Richelieu, 350 ; appeals to Charles after the Treaty of Prague, viii. 83 ; sends her son to England, and quarrels with Charnac^, for refusing to give the title of Electoral Highness to him, 99 ; is pleased at the conclusion of the Treaty of Berwick, and hopes for the assistance of a Scottish army, ix. 42 Elizabeth, Princess, {Daughter of Charles /.), suggested marriage of, ix. 89 Elizabeth, PnncessiDaztghterofJatnesI.), proposed marriage between the Dauphin and, i. 107 ; proposed marriage between the Prince of Piedmont and, ii. 23 ; proposed marriage between the Elector Palatine and, 136 ; signature of her mar- riage contract with the Elector Palatine, 141 ; rumoured intention of Philip III. to propose for, 151 ; is betrothed to the Elector Palatine, 160 ; m.-irriage of, 161. See Elizabeth, Electress Palatine Elizabeth, Queen, suppresses the Roman Catholic worship, i. 12 ; her rivalry with Mary Stuart, 13 ; illtreats the Catholics, 14 ; opposes the Nonconformists, 19 ; her weakness at the beginning of her reign, 20 ; suppresses Nonconformist worship, 21 ; supports Episcopacy, 25 ; dislikes preaching, 30 ; suppresses the prophesyings, 31 ; rejects the proposals of the Commons for Church Reform, and ENG appoints Whitgift Archbishop of Cantei bury, 33 ; difficulties bequeathed to het successor by, 42 ; death of, 43 ; imposi tions laid upon commerce by, ii. i ; her reception of Raleigh after his return from Guiana, 375 ; her treatment of the claim of the House of Commons to liberty of speech, iv. 256 Ellesmere, Lord, 1603-1616 (Thomas Eger- ton), (Lord Chancellor), gives an opinion that the King is half a priest, i. 157 ; puts questions to the judges on' the legality of a petition in favour of the Puritans, ig8 ; directs the judges to en- force the penal laws against the Catho- lics, 227 ; favours Bacon's promotion, 300 ; finds fault with the merchants who petition against the Union, 329 ; inveighs against Whitelocke, ii. 188 ; refuses to pass Somerset's pardon, 329 ; acts as Lord High Steward at the trials of the Earl and Countess of Somerset, 353 ; gives his opinion on the preparation for a Parliament, 366 ; asks for the opinion of the law officers in his dispute with Coke, iii. 17 ; agrees with Bacon's reply to Coke, 18 ; illness of, 19 ; is created Viscount Brackley, 26. See Brackley, Viscount Elphinstone, Sir James, becomes Secre- tary in Scotland, i. 75 ; obtains surrep- titiously James's signature to a letter to the Pope, 81 ; becomes Lord Balmerino, 308. See Balmerino, Lord Elphinstone, Sir William, is injured in a riot at Edinburgh, ix. 45 Endicott, John, tears the cross out of the English flag, viii. 169 England, national consolidation of, i. i ; Parliamentary system established in, 2 ; establishment of a strong monarchy in, 3 ; its attitude towards the Papacy, 7 ; pro- gress of the Reformation in, 9 ; is threat- ened by Spain and the Pope, 12 ; favour shown to the Calvinist doctrines in, 18 ; dislike of the Calvinist system of govern- ment in, 23 : character assumed by epis- copacy in, 26 ; rise of the Separatists in, 37 ; growth of a feeling against Spain in, iv. 346 ; recrudescence of hostility to Rome in, v. 167 ; moral position of Pro- testantism in, 168 ; influence of Calvinism in, 355 ; strong feeling against Bucking- ham in, vi. iSS ; diminution of warlike feeling in, 373 ; relaxation of the feeling of hostility to Spain in, 375 ; treaty of peace signed by Louis XIII. with, vii. 100 ; contrast between the political feel- ing of the South and North of, 229 ; feel- ing against ship-money in, viii. 85 ; ex- citement caused by the conversions to Catholicism in, 244 ; local organisation of, 300 ; unorganised condition of, jx. 78 ; elections to the Short Parliament in, 96 ; strong feeling against the Irish in, 126 ; the Scots not disliked in, 128 : last caseof judicial torture in, 141 ; syrnptoms of a reaction in favour of Charles in, x. i INDEX. 283 ENG England, Church of, the course of the Reformation in, i. 9 ; action of Calvinism upon, 18 ; enforcement of conformity in, 21 ; position of the bishops in, 26 ; Whit- gift defends the constitution of, 27 ; low condition of the clergy of, 28 ; reaction in favour of, 38 ; Bacon's scheme for the pacification of, 146; enforcement of con- formity in, 195 : its relation to Puritan- ism, 232 ; prospects of toleration in, 233 ; diflference of opinion between James and the Commons on, ii. 85 ; converts to Rome in, iii. 239 ; condition of Protes- tantism in, ib. ; Puritan conformists in, 241 ; school of Andrewes and Laud in, 243 ; discussion on the observance of the Sabbath in, 247 ; spread of Arminianism in, iv. 347 ; reaction in favour of Puri- tanism in, 349 ; view of Buckeridge, Howson, and Laud, that school opinions are not condemned by, v. 401 ; and that opinions like those of Montague's oppo- nents ought to be silenced in, and that Convocation, or a national synod, is the proper judge of controversies in, 402 ; issue by Charles of a proclamation for the peace of, vi. 122 ; parties in, vii. 7 ; dispute on doctrine in, 8 ; dispute on ceremonies in, 9 ; Charles's declaration prefixed to the Articles of, 21 ; Sibbes dissuades Goodwin from separation from, 262 ; conflicting tendencies of thought in, 269 ; results of Laud's appointment as Archbishop in, 299 ; restrictions placed on ordinations in, 303 ; attempt to di- minish the influence of the laity in, 305 ; opinion of Laud on the Royal authority in, 306 ; metropolitical visitation in, viii. 107 ; various aspects of nonconformity in. III ; result of the establishment of Laud's system in, 120 ; becomes narrower under Laud's guidance, 128 ; widespread fear of Laud's system in, 129 ; Winde- bank discusses with Panzani the terms of its reunion with Rome, 135 ; discipline in, ix. 79 ; records of an Archdeacon's court in, 80 ; new canons of, 143 ; Rud- yerd's account of the state of, 224 ; voices raised for the overthrow of episcopacy and the prayer-book in, 237 ; prospect of an alteration of the ceremonies of, 262 ; petitions against episcopacy in, 265 ; order of the Lords on the public worship of, 266 ; division of opinion on the re- forms to be introduced into, 274 ; Hopton moves that the Protestation shall declare those who take it to be ready to support religion as established in, 353 ; scheme proposed by Vane for the government of, 390 ; clause in the Root-and-Branch Bill providing ■ for the government of, 407 ; declaration of both Houses on the reform of, X. 186 Epernon, Duke of, seizes the English wine fleet at Bordeaux, vi. 146 Episcopacy, supported by Elizabeth, i. 25 ; character assumed by it in England, 26 ; low position of, in Scotland, 46 ; abolition ERL of, in Scotland, 47 ; restoration and second abolition of, in Scotland, 50; restored in Scotland nominally by James, 77 ; acknowledged by the General Assembly, ii. 102 ; established by the Scottish Parliament, iii. 220 ; Leighton's attack on, vii. 145 ; Neile argues in sup- port of the Divine right of, 149 ; Laud's defence of, 150; limitations proposed by Charles in Scotland on, viii. 363 ; abolished in Scotland by the Assembly of Glasgow, 373 ; abolition of, confirmed by the Assembly of Edinburgh, ix. 49 ; protest of Traquair as to the sense in which Charles assents to the abolition of, 50 ; Montrose's position towards, 52 ; Charles refuses to rescind the Acts in favour of, ib. ; the Scottish Parliament abolishes, 54 ; Charles gives the Scottish Commissioners reason to think that he does not intend to consent to the aboli- tion of, 94 ; Hall's argument in favour of the Divine right of, 107 ; voices raised in England for the overthrow of, 237 ; the London petition for the abolition of, 247 ; petitions against, 265 ; public opinion on, 274 ; speeches of Digby and Falkland against the abolition of, 277 ; speech of Fiennes in favour of the abolition of, 279 ; Parliamentary parties be. in to form on the question of, 281 ; declaration of the Scottish Commissioners against, 296 ; understanding between Hampden and Falkland on the reformation of, 347 ; first reading of a Bill for the extinction of, 3S2 ; schemes of Williams and Usher for the modification of, 3S7 ; Rudyerd and Dering wish to reduce to the primi- tive standard, 388 ; want of enthusiasm for, 389 ; Brooke's discourse on, x. 35 ; London petition for the abolition of, no. See Root-and-Branch Bill, the ; Bishops' Exclusion Bill, the Episcopacy by Divine Right, published by Bishop Hall, ix. 107 Episcopalian party in the Long Parlia- ment, the, strength and weakness of, ix. 282 ; expect to have a majority in con- demnation of the declaration of the Scot- tish Commissioners against episcopacy, 297 ; wishes to pay off the Scots, 300 ; is in a minority, 380 ; takes up a position in defence of the Prayer-book, x. 15 ; is changing into a Royalist party, 32 ; finally becomes a Royalist party, 59 ; supports Vane's motion for a present supply for Ireland, 69 ; carries a limita- tion on the numbers of the Scots to be sent to Ireland, 70 ; carries some amend- ments cf the Remonstrance, 71 ; has the . temporary' advantage of standing on the J defensive, 104 Equivocation, a treatise on, discovered ia Tresham's chamber, i. 267 Erie, Sir Walter, moves that tonnage and poundage be granted for a year, v. 364 ; applies for a habeas corpus, vi. 213 ; complains of the outrages of the soldiers. 284 INDEX. ERN EXC in Dorsetshire, 253 ; complains of the violation of the liberties of the subjects, 268 ; his study searched, ix. 129 ; com- plains of the Irish army, 254 ; makes a fresh report on the Irish army, 255 ; reports that Strafford is still in command of the Irish army, 289 ; supports Mar- ten's proposal to pay no money to the Scots till Strafford is executed, 301 ; brings fresh charges against Strafford in connection with the Irish army, 325 Emeley, Sir Michael, reports from Ber- wick that the Scots are not prepared to invade England, ix. 182 Erskine, Sir Thomas, appointed Captain of the Guard, i. 94 ; becomes Lord Fenton, ii. 368. See Fenton, Lord Esmond, Robert, alleged manslaughter of, by Wentworth, ix. 70 Espesses, M. de, urges the States-Genera! to allow Mansfeld to land in the Nether- lands, V. 284 Essex, tne trained bands of, are summoned to defend Harwich, but refuse to serve at their own e.xpense, vi. 8 ; resistance to the forced loan in, 148 ; refusal of, to pay Conmiissioners for the loan in, 154 ; attempt to press the refusers in, for ser- vice under the King of Denmark, 156 ; misbehaviour of Irish soldiers quar- tered in, 219 ; weavers thrown out of work in, vii. 83 : enforcement of the ex- tension of Waltham Forest in, viii. 77 ; resistance to ship-money in, 94; arrears of ship-money in, 202 ; a woman mur- dered by the soldiers from, ix. 10 ; levy of soldiers resisted in, 160 ; communion- rails pulled down by the soldiers in, 176; petition against episcopacy signed in, 266 Essex, Countess of, married life' of, ii. i67_ ; thinks of procuring a divorce, 168 ; is divorced, 172 ; her part in the miu-der of Overburj', 175 ; employs Weston to poison him, J 80. See Somerset, Countess of Essex, 2nd Earl of, 1576-1601 fWalter Devereux), altercation of, with Burgh- ley, i. 103 ; failure of, in Ireland, 362 Essex, 3rd Earl of, 1601 (Robert Deve- reux), marriage of, ii. 166 ; proceed- ings taken for the divorce of, 169 : divorce of, 172 ; serves under Vere in the Pala- tinate, iii. 365 ; returns from Germany, and ^becomes a member of the Council of War, 388 ; is appointed Vice-Admiral of the expedition against Cadiz, vi. 11 ; takes refuge in Falmouth, 13 ; pursues the Spanish ships up Cadiz harbour, 15 ; takes Fort Puntal, 17 ; refuses to pay the forced loan, 150 ; asks the Lords to put the Petition of Right to a vote, 282 ; attends on the King at Oxford, viii. 152 ; appointed second in command in the first Bishops' War, 386 ; gives to the King the letter written to him by the Cove- nanters, ix. 12 ; votes against interference with the Commons, 109 ; signs a letter to Johnston of Warriston, 179 ; takes part in a meeting of the opponents of the Court, 198 ; signs the Petition of the Twelve Peers, 199 ; becomes a Privy Councillor, 292 ; reproves the Scottish Commissioners for interfering with the Church of England, 299 : is appointed Lord Chamberlain, 409 ; thinks the Inci- dent may be imitated at Westminster, X. 32 ; the Commons propose to give authority over the trained bands to, 59 ; restriction placed by the Lords on his authority over the trained bands, 73 ; rumoured dismissal of, from the Council and office, 98 ; the Commons wish to have a guard under the command of, 119 ; the Commons ask the King to give them a guard under the command of, 126 : in- tention of Charles to call, as a witness against the five members, 130 ; accom- panies Charles to the City after the at- tempt on the five members, 142 ; wishes Charles to postpone his departure from Whitehall, 149 ; is stopped by the House of Lords from obeying Charles's sum- mons to attend him at York, 179 ; is a member of the Committee of Safety, 209 ; is appointed to command the Parlia- mentary' army, 211 ; is declared a traitor by the King, 217 ; the Commons swear to live and die with, ib. ; is suggested for the command of the Northern army, 316 ; tells Hyde that ' stone dead hath no fellow,' 341 ; is appointed Lord-Lieu- tenant of Yorkshire, 374 ; is to command forces south of the Trent, 413 Estates of the realm, the three, new expla- nation of, ix. 106 Etcetera oath, the, imposed by the canons of 1640, ix. 146 ; suspension of, 188 Eure, Lieutenant, murder of, ix. 172 Eure, Lord (William Eure), refuses to obey an order of the Court of Chancery, vii. 233 ; stands a siege at Malton, ii. Everard, Dr., imprisoned for preaching against the Spaniards, iv. 118; is again imprisoned, 346 Everard, Sir John, removed from the Irish Bench, i. 391 ; is elected Speaker of the Irish House of Commons by the Catho- lics, ii. 290 Exchequer, the. See Finances Exchequer, the Court of. Bate's case in, ii. 6 ; decides in RoUe's case that goods cannot be taken from the King by a re- plevin, viL 6 ; replies to a message of the Commons on tonnage and poundage, 61 ; Chambers brings an action against the Custom House officers in, 86 ; question about the jurisdiction of the Star Cham- ber raised in, 114; postpones considera- tion of the right to tonnage and pound- age, 115 ; declares in favour of the King's right to levy compositions for knighthood and impositions, 167 ; case of the feoffees for impropriations in, 258 Excise, an, proposal made for raising money by, vi. 222; abandonment of the proposal for, 225 ; commissioners appointed for INDEX. 285 EXE the consideration of, 227 ; Charles cancels tht. commission for tli« consideration of, 318 ; proposal made in the Committee of Eight to le\y, ix. 75 Exeter, Countess of, charges brought by Lady Roos against, iii. 191 Exeter, Earl of, 1605-1622 (Thomas Cecil), interferes in his grandson's dealings with the Lakes, iii. 190 ; compliments Buck- ingham on his success at Rhe, vi. 190 Exeter, Earl of, 1640 (David Cecil), signs the Petition of the Twelve Peers, ix. 199 Ex officio oath, the, introduction of, i. 36 Exportation of gold, fines imposed for the, iii. 323 Extemporary' prayers, opposition roused by the use of, .\. 30 Fabroni, protests that Marj- de Medicis is not preparing to visit England, viii. 379 Faige, Captain, sent by Raleigh to Mont- morency, iii. 109 ; is sent to fit out French ships to join Raleigh, no ; is imprisoned as a debtor, in Fairfax, Viscount, 1640 (Ferdinando Fair- fax), is one of the Parliamentary com- missioners to attend the King at Vork, x. 200 Fairfax, Sir Thomas, offers a petition to Charles on Heyworth Moor, x. 200 Fajardo, Don Luis, is ordered to trans- port men to the Netherlands, i. 340 Fakenham, Brent's report of the metropoli- tical visitadon of, viii. 109 Falkland, ist Viscount, 1620-1633 (Henry Cary), is appointed Lord Deputy of Ire- land, viii. 9 ; banishes the priests, 10 ; receives from England the first draft of the Graces, 13 ; lays the Graces before an assembly of the Irish nobility, 14; is in despair at the state of Ireland, 15 ; opens an Assembly of the Lords and representatives, ib. ; fails to obtain a contribution from the Assembly, 16 ; summons a Parliament, and afterwards countermands the summons, 18 ; en- gages in dispute with a minority of the Council, 20 ; wishes to establish a plan- tation in Wicklow, ib. ; his treatment of the Byrnes of Wicklow, 21 ; is sur- prised by the appointment of a committee to investigate the case of the Byrnes, 23 ; his position shaken, 26 ; is recalled, 27 ; death of, 256 Falkland, 2nd Viscount, 16 ^3 (Lucius Cary), early life of, viii. 255 ; his life at Great Tew, 256; appreciates B'injonson, 257; writes verses in praise of the King's sovereignty of the seas, 258 ; engages in religious controversy, ib. ; compared with Chil'ingworth, 259 ; replies to Walter Montague, 260 ; objects to impeaching Strafford till the whole truth has been discovered, ix. 234 ; speaks against ship- money, 24s ; attacks Finch, 246 ; fears that Presbyterianism will be tyrannical, 276 ; speaks for the reformation, and FEL against the abolition, of episcopacy, 278 ; suggests a compromise, 287 ; declares that the Lords had acted justly in giving Strafford time to prepare his defence, 292 ; supports the Attainder Bill, 338 ; comes to an understanding with Hampden, that episcopacy is to be reformed, 347 ; op- poses the Root-and-Branch Bill, 382 ; is a memberof the Committee of Defence, x. 2 ; thinks that the English Parliament should take no notice of the Incident, 32 ; his share of responsibility in the Parliamentary conflict, 33 ; objects to the Bishops' Exclusion Bill, 37 ; objects to the employment of Scottish troops in Ireland, 55 ; tells Cromwell that the final debate on the Grand Remonstrance will take time, 74 : complains of the hard measure dealt out to bishops and Armi- nians, 75: his con versation withCromwell, 78 : becomes Secretary of State, 127 ; signs the Protestation of the Peers at Vork, 205 Falmouth, arrival of part of the Cadiz ex- pedition at, vi. 13 ; Soubise brings a French prize into, 28 Family of Love, the, x. 29 Faringdon, murder of Lieutenant Mohun at, ix. 160 Farmers of the Customs, proposal of Eliot to call to account, vii. 59 ; fine imposed on, ix. 379 Fawkes, (iuido. See Gunpowder Plot Fawley, position of the communion-table at, vii. 46 Fears and jealousies, the Parliament's de- claration of, X. 172 Fees, custom of taking, iv. 79 Felton, John, murders Buckingham, vi. 349 ; surrenders himself, 350 ; motives and conduct of, 352 ; popularity of, 353 ; Townley's verses on, 354 ; is threatened with the rack, condemned and executed, 359 Female actors attacked by Prynne, vii. 329 Female characters on the stage represented by boys, vii. 328 Female Glory, The, of Anthony Stafford, viii. 127 Fens, Greal Level of the, drainage of, viii. 294 ; riots in, 296 Fenton, Viscount, 1606-1619; EarlofKel- lie, 1619-1639 (Thomas Erskine), assures Sarmiento that James wishes to go on with the marriage treaty, ii. 368. See Erskine, Sir Thomas Feoffees for impropriations, the, Heylyn preaches against, and Noy exhibits an information in the Exchequer against t'ii. 258 ; are deprived of their patronage by the sentence of the Court, 259 ; are ridiculed in Strode's Floating Island, viii. 150 Ferdinand, Archduke {Duke of Styria, 1590 ; King 0/ Boliemia, 1617 ; King oj Hungary, 1618), proposed as the future King of Bohemia, iii. 266 ; is accepted as King, 267 ; character of, ib. ; early 286 INDEX. FEM life of, 268 ; asserts his right to the throne of Bohemia, 290 ; defends Vienna, 302 ; success of the armies of, 304 ; re- ceives Doncaster civilly, 305 ; rejects James's offer of mediation, 306 ; is elected Emperor, and deposed from the throne of Bohemia, 309. See Ferdinand II., Emperor Ferdinand II. (Eviperor, 1618) visits Maxi- milian, iii. 318 ; promises to transfer Frederick's Electorate to him, 319 ; de- fends Vienna against Bethlen Gabor, 320 ; advocates the invasion of the Pala- tinate, 328 ; view taken of Frederick's conduct by, iv. 172 ; puts Frederick to the ban, 177 ; proposes to convoke an Assembly at Ratisbon, 192 ; opposition evoked by his proposal to deprive Fre- derick of the Electorate, 193 ; suspects Frederick's sincerity, 204 ; hesitates to reject Digby's terms, 205 ; offers to treat, 206 ; orders Maximilian to attack Mans- feld, 208 ; consents to a suspension of arms, 2op ; agrees to Digby's plan for a pacification, 216 ; recommends the plan to Maximilian, 217 ; secretly confers Frederick's Electorate on Maximilian, 219 ; discovery of his transference of the Electorate, 300 ; sends Schwarzenberg to England, 304 ; informs James of his intention to hold an Assembly at Ratis- bon, 326; throws the blame of the con- tinuance of the war on Frederick and Mansfeld, 339 ; orders Tilly to besiege Heidelberg, 340 ; refuses to abandon his resolution to transfer the Electorate, 377 ; expels the Lutheran clergy from Bohemia, 400 ; proposes the transference of the Electorate at Ratisbon, 404 ; con- fers the Electorate on Maximilian, 405 ; disputes the succession of the Duke of Nevers to the Duchy of Mantua, vi. 331 ; issues the Edict of Restitution, vii. 98 ; makes peace with Christian IV. at Liibeck, loi ; dismisses Wallenstein, 174 ; refuses to take the advice of Olivares, 180 ; maintains the Edict of Restitution, 181 ; neglects the advice of Spain, 187 ; failure of the system of, 188 ; effects of his renewed alliance with Spain, 353 ; signs the Peace of Prague, 388 ; gives hopes to Taylor of the restitution of the Palatinate, viii. 101 ; rejects Arundel's demands, 160. See Ferdinand, Archduke {Duke ofStyria, &c.) Ferdinand, the Archduke {Son of Ferdi- nand II.'), marriage proposed between the Infanta Maria and, iii. 377. See Ferdinand III. Ferdinand III. {King of Hungary), is ap- pointed to the command of the Emperor's armies, vii. 353 ; in conjunction with the Cardinal Infant takes Ratisbon and de- feats the Swedes at Nordlingen, 372 ; is chosen King of the Romans, viii. 204 Ferdinand. See Cardinal Infant, the Feria, Duke of, occupies Southern Alsace, vii. 348 FIN Fermanagh, feud amongst the Maguires of, i. 381 ; Chichester's visit to, 404 ; refusal of the settlers to maintain soldiers in, viii. 15 : Lord Maguire's influence in, X. 49 ; atrocities of the Maguires in, 65 Fern, Sir John, seconds Raleigh's proposal to attack the Mexico fleet, iii. 128 Ferrar, Nicholas, early life of, vii. 262 ; establishes a community at Little Gid- ding, 263 : character of the spiritual life of, 264 ; his language about the use of crucifixes, 265 Ferrett, misbehaviour of, as an agent of the Commissioners for Inns, iv. 41 Fert6 Imbault, la. Marquis of, arrives in England, ix. 406 ; advises the Queen not to leave England, ib. ; predicts a con- flict between Charles and the Commons, X. 90 ; probably sends warning to the Commons of Charles's approach, 137 Feudal tenures, negotiation for the com- mutation of. See Contract, the Great Field, Theophilus (Bishop of Llandaff, 1619-1627 ; of St. David's, 1627-1635 ; of Hereford, 1635-1636), bribe offered by Edward Egerton to, iv. 64 ; is handed over by the Lords to the censure of the Archbishop, 125 Fielding, Captain, offers licences to the Dutch fishing-boats, viii. 220 Fielding, Sir William, created Baron, and subsequently Viscount Fielding, iv. 276. See Fielding, Viscount ; Denbigh, Earl of Fielding, Viscount (Basil Fielding), offers to change clothes with Buckingham, vi. 201 ; is sent to direct his father to return to Rochelle, 292 ; challenges George Goring, vii. 218 Fielding, Viscount, 1620 (William Field- ing), becomes Master of the Wardrobe, iv. 276 ; is created an Earl. See Fielding, Sir William ; Denbigh, Earl of Fiennes, Nathaniel, speaks in favour of the abolition of episcopacy, ix. 279 ; is a member of the Committee on Church Affairs, 287 ; is a member of the Com- mittee for investigating the Army Plot, 358 ; brings up a report from the Com- mittee, 384 ; tells Hyde that many will give their lives rather than submit to the bishops again, 389 ; is appointed a Parliamentary Commissioner to attend the King in Scotland, x. 4 ; reports that the officers at Whitehall had been com- manded to obey Sir W. Fleming, 137 ; is a member of the Committee of Safety, 209 Finances, the, state of, in 1604, i. 186 ; in 1606, 294 ; burden laid upon, by the Irish troubles, ii. i ;. Salisbury's efforts to remedy the disorder of, 11 ; Salisbury gives account to Parliament of the con- dition of, 64 ; Caesar's report on, 199 ; state of, at the meeting of the Parliament of 1614, 227 : state of, after the dissolu- tion, 260 ; state of, in 1615, 364 ; state INDEX. 287 FIN of, in 1617, iii. 196 ; improvement effected by Crantielcl in, 200 ; state of, at the opening of Charles's first ParUament, v. 336 ; condition of, after Buckingham's return from Kh6, vi. 219 ; improved state of, in 1635, viii. £1 ; state of, in 1636, 199 ; state of, in 1638, 2S1 ; state of, in i6j9, ix. 24 ; commis.'^ion appointed to improve the condition of, x. 99 Finch, John, speaks in Bacon's favour, iv. 65 ; reminds the Commons that they have no sworn evidence against Floyd, 120. See Finch, Sir John ; Finch, of Fordwich, Lord Finch, of Fordwich, Lord, 1640, speaks at the opening of the Short Parliament, ix. p8 ; the Lords adjourn on account of the ill-health of, loi ; explains to the Houses that Charles is ready to commute ship- money for some other mode of payment, 107 ; assures the King of the legality of the continuance of Convocation after the dissolution of Parliament, 142 ; is at- tacked by Falkland and defends himself, 246 ; the Commons vote the impeach- ment of, 247 ; flight of, ib. ; formal im- peachment of, 263. See Finch, John ; Finch, Sir John Finch, Henry, Serjeant, is a referee for the patent for inns, iv. 3 Finch, Sir Heneage, becomes Recorder of London, iv. 23 ; carries up to the Lords the charges against the referees, 48 Finch, Sir John, (Chief Justice 0/ the Common Pleas, 1634-1640 .Lord Keeper, 1640), as Speaker of the Parliament of 1628, interrupts Eliot, vi. 303 ; obtains leave to go to the King, 304 ; declares the King's pleasure that the House be adjourned, vii. 67 ; is held down in the Speaker's chair, 68 ; refuses to put Eliot's motion to the House, 69 ; pleads to be allowed to go to the King, 70 ; double allegiance of, 71 ; becomes Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 362 ; maintains the King's claims in the Forest of Dean, 363 ; threatens the jury in the question of the extension of Waltham Forest, 365 ; sits as Holland's assessor in enforcing the extension of Waltham Forest, viii. 77 ; is appomted to ask the opinion of the judges on the legality of ship-money, viii. 94 ; behaves rudely to Prynne in the Star Chamber, 228 ; gives judgment in the case of ship-money, 279 ; alarm caused by the doctrine laid down by, 280 ; becomes Lord Keeper, ix. 85 ; is created Lcrd Finch of Ford- wich, 98. See Finch, John ; Finch of Fordwich, Lord Finsbury Fields, review of the London trained bands in, x. 195 Fisher (pseudonym for Percy), attempts to convert the Countess of Buckingham, iv. 279 ; holds a conference with Laud, 281 Fisher, Sir Edward, claims lands in Wex- ford, viii. 4 FOL Fishery. See Herring fishery and Whale fishery Fitzwilliam, Sir William, conduct of, as Lord Deputy of Ireland, i. 361 Five Articles, the. See Articles of Perth, the five Five Discourses, Shelford's, viii. 123 Five knights' case, the, vi. 213 Five members, the, Charles resolves to impeach, x. 129 ; impeachment of, 130 ; Charles demands the arrest of, 132 ; Charles resolves personally to arrest, 133 ; warnings sent to, 137 ; escape to the City, 138 ; are proclaimed traitors, 147 ; are received by the Committee at Grocers' Hall, 149 ; return in triumph to Westminster, 150 Flag, the English, a salute claimed by Charles for, vii. 383 ; the Dutch agree to salute, 385 ; Charles rejects a compromise proposed by Richelieu on the salute to be given to, 386 Flagellunt Pontijicis, written by Bastwick, viii. 227 Flanders, ports of, blockade of, i. 218; wish of James to break the blockade of, iv. 225 ; ships hired by Gondomar to break the blockade of, 272 ; failure of the undertaking against, 273 ; Buckingham proposes a combined attack on, v. 325 ; refusal of Louis to take part in an attack on, 331 ; Morton sent to urge the Dutch to join in an attack on, 335 ; engage- ment of the Dutch to blockade, vi. 6. See Dunkirk Flax, cultivation of, introduced into Ire- land by Wentworth, viii. 39 Fleetwood, Sir IMiles, wishes inquiries about the proposed supply to be ad- dressed to the Lords, iv. 235 Fleming, Sir Thomas, (Chief Baron of the Exchequer, 1604-1607 ; Chief Justice of the King's Bench, 1607-1613), is a mem- ber of the first Parliament of James I., i. 163; delivers judgment in the case of impositions, ii. 6 ; joins Coke in resisting the King's claim to create offences by proclamation, 105 ; death of, 207 Fleming, Sir William, invites the Inns of Court to support the King, x. 134; the officers at Whitehall commanded to obey, 137 Flemish ports. See Flanders, ports of Fleurus, battle of, iv. 342 Floating Island, The, written by William Strode, viii. 150 Flood, — (?), sells copies of Dudley's paper of advice, vii. 139 Floyd, Edward, speaks disparagingly of the Elector and Electress Palatine, iv. 119 ; violent attack of the Commons on, 120 ; is sentenced by the Commons, 121 ; is sentenced by the Lords, 123 ; liberation of, 137 Flushing, miserable condition of Mans- feld's troops at, v. 288 Foliot, Sir Henry, orders a massacre on Tory Island, i. 43c 288 INDEX. FOL Foljambe, Sir Francis, seizes tithe-corn forcibly, viii. 78 Fontainebleau, arrival of the Huguenot deputies at, v. 392 ; a treaty agreed to at, 393 . . . Fontenay-Mareuil, Marquis of, is French ambassador in England, and employs a housebreaker to steal the papers of De Jars, vii. 186 ; refusal of Henrietta Maria to be reconciled to, igg Forbes, John, is chosen Moderator of the Assembly, i. 307 ; is. imprisoned, 309 ; is tried, 311 ; defence of, 312 ; conviction of, 314 : banishment of, 315 ; is preacher at belft, vii. 315 ; resigns his post, ib. Forbes, 'P3.lr\cU.{BishoJ> 0/ Aberdeen, 1618), character and life of, iii. 230 ; hesitates to accept a bishopric, ib. ; becomes Bishop of Aberdeen, 232 ; supports the Articles of Perth, 238 ; the Aberdeen doctors are the disciples of, viii. 358 Forbes, William (Bishop of Edinburgh, 1634), is appointed the first Bishop of Edinburgh, vii. 291 ; death of, 292 Forced loan, the, demanded by Charles, probably at the suggestion of Apsley, vi. 143 ; collection of, in Middlesex, 144 : beginning of resistance to, 148 ; refusal of the judges to declare the legality of, 149 ; mission of Privy Councillors to collect, 153 ; growing resistance to, 155 ; failure of an attempt to press the refusers in Essex for the service of the King of Denmark, 157 ; gentlemen placed in con- finement for refusing, 178 ; Eliot's argu- ment against, 212 ; amount produced by, 2ig ; release of the prisoners confined for refusal to pay, 225 ; clause of the Peti- tion of Right in condemnation of, 275 Foreign congregations in England, the, viiL 120 Forest claims of the Crown, in the Forest of Dean, vii. 363 ; in the Forest of Wal- tham, viii. 77 ; in the New Forest, 86 ; compositions taken for encroachments on, ib. : in Rockingham Forest, 282 ; com- missioners appointed for levying compo- sitions for, 282 ; Selden brings in a Bill for limiting, ix. 383 ; Royal assent given to the Bill limiting, 415 Forgerj' of speeches in Parliament, x. 133 For God and the King, published by Bur- ton, viii. 226 Forman, Dr., is consulted by Lady Essex, ii. 168 Fort Louis, Louis XHL engages to pull down, v. 304 ; the Rochellese deputies refuse to make peace without the demo- lition of, vi. 50 ; but ultimately accept a vague promise for the future demolition of, 51 ; serves to check the commerce of Rochelle, 131 Fortescue, Sir John, deprived of the Chan- cellorship of the Exchequer, i. 95 ; is elected for Buckinghamshire, 167 ; his seat vacated, 169 Forth, the Firth of, Pennington sent to, ix. I ; Hamilton sent to, 9 FRA Forthar, burning of the Earl of Airlie's house at, ix. 167 Foulis, Sir David, gives Dudley's paper of advice to Somerset, vii. 139 ; deposes to the manner in which it came into his hands, 140; attacks Wentworth, 231; declares that the Council of the North has no Parliamentary authority, 232 ; offers to serve the King, 236 ; is punished by the Star Chamber, 237 France, treaty signed at Hampton Court with, for the defence of the Netherlands, and proposal for a double marriage to cement an alliance with, i. 107 ; com- mercial treaty with, 217 ; difficulty of interpreting the treaty of Hampton Court with, ib. ; treaty between the Dutch and, ii. 26 ; attempt of Spain to form an alliance with, 27 ; treaty for mutual defence with, loi ; proposed mar- riage alliance with, 154, 223 ; objec- tion taken to a company with the right of exclusive trading with, 237 ; plan for a marriage alliance with, coolly received in, 314 ; meeting of the States-General in, 315 ; James resolves to break off the marriage treaty with, 390 ; Lord Hay's mission to, 391 ; end of the marriage treaty with, 396 ; favour shown to the cause of the Duke of Savoy in, iii. 49 ; condition of the Protestants in, iv. 290 ; civil war in, ib. ; Doncaster's mission to, 291 ; Mansfeld is prevented from entering, 341 ; probable change in the foreign policy of, v. 175 ; threatening position of Spain on the frontiers of, 215 ; relative importance attributed to the Palatinate and the Valtelline in, 220 ; enters into a treaty with the Dutch, and prepares for war, 253 ; forms a league for the recovery of the Valtelline, 265 ; position of the Huguenots in, 303 ; be- ginning of a civil war in, 304; reported peace in, 3S6 ; negotiations carried on at Fontainebleau between the Huguenot deputies and the King of, 392 ; resolu- tion formed in, to make peace with the Huguenots and to attack Spain, 393 ; rupture of the negotiations between the King and the Huguenots in, vi. 2 ; ques- tion raised as to the liability to seizure of ships of, 40 ; reprisals on English vessels in, 42 ; efforts of Holland and Carleton to mediate between the King and the Huguenots in, 50 ; reprisals for the sale of prize goods taken from, 66 ; friendly disposition towards England of the Government of, 87 ; doubts of the English alliance felt in, 89 ; treaty of Barcelona accepted by, 90 ; end of the alliance of England with, ib. ; excite- ment in, at the capture of French ships, 142 : Buckingham hopes for a new alli- ance with, 145 ; stoppage of English ships in, 146 ; seizure of the English wine fleet in, 147 ; resolution of Richelieu to increase the maritime power of, 1 50 ; causes of the rupture with, 153 ; begin- INDEX. 289 FRA ning of the war with, 160 ; agreement by Spain for a common action against Eng- land with, 164 ; prospect of peace with, 333 ; the resistance of Rochelle regarded as a misfortune by the Protestants of, 343 ; tolerant policy of Richelieu in, 369 ; acceptance by the Council of a treaty with, 373 ; takes part in the quarrel for the succession of Mantua and Mont- ferrat, vii. 99 : treaty of peace signed at Susa between England and, 100 : Rohan's rebellion in, loi ; the Day of Dupes in, 184 ; takes a more prominent part after the death of Gustavus, 209 ; growing dependence of the German princes on, 342 ; seizes Lorraine and occupies posts in Alsace, 347 ; alliance of the Elector of Treves with, 350 ; engages to make an annual payment to the States-General, 366 ; Bernhard's army taken into the pay of, 374 ; agrees with the Dutch for a partition of the Spanish Netherlands, 380 ; declares war against Spain, and invades the Spanish Netherlands, 384 ; Charles rejects the offer of an alliance with, viii. 83 ; negotiations of Leicester in, 161 ; Spanish invasion of, ib. ; repels the Spanish invasion, 163 ; Charles ac- cepts Richelieu's terms for an alliance with, 210 ; reference to a conference at Hamburg of Charles's treaty with, 217 ; victories of the navy of, 381 ; intention of the Scots to make overtures for the renewal of the alliance with, ix. 91 ; at- tempt of Charles to obtain a loan from, 157 ; movement of troops on the coast of, 356 ; Cottington asks for a loan from, ix. '57 Franceschi, Colonel, forms a plot against James, i. 345 ; incites Newce to murder James, 346; isallowed to leave England, 347 Francisco de Tesus. See Jesus, Francisco de " Frankenthal, is besieged by Cordova, iv. 222; Mansfeld raises the siege of, 224; pro- posed sequestration of, 337 ; the English garrison hindered from abandoning, 362 ; besieged by Tilly, 386 ; James proposes that Frankenthal be sequestrated, 399 ; negotiation between James and Frede- rick on the sequestration of, 406 ; signa- ture of a treaty for the sequestration of, V. 74 ; is surrendered to Verdugo, ib. ; its restoration demanded by James, 274 Franklin, James, provides poison for Over- burj', ii. 181 ; charges Lady Somerset with complicity in Overbury's murder, 343 ; trial and execution of, 344 Frederick IV. {Elector Palatine, 1583- 1610), conduct of, as head of the Union, ii. 92 ; death of, 136 Frederick V .{Elector Palatiiie, 1610-1632), proposed marriage of, with the Princess Elizabeth, ii. 136; is accepted, 140; ar- rives in England, 152 ; betrothal of, 160 ; marriage of, 161 ; leaves England, 162 ; character of, iii. 274 ; designs of, 276 ; VOL. X. U FRE intrigues with the Duke of Savoy, 277 ; sends Christopher Dohna to England, 285 ; sends Mansfeld to treat with the Duke of Savoy, 291 ; his reception of Doncaster, 302 ; asks for English aid, 303 ; opens negotiations with the Elector of Saxony, 308 ; is chosen King of Bo- hemia, 309; accepts the crown, 311; sends Christopher Dohna again to England, ib.; leaves Heidelberg for Bohemia, 315 ; finds no support in the Assembly of the Union at Nuremberg, 316 ; is defeated in the battle of Prague, 383 ; maintains his claim to Bohemia, iv. 175 ; leaves Silesia, 176 ; is put to the ban, 177 ; gives contradictory promises to James and Mansfeld, 178 ; appears before the As- sembly of Segeberg, 179 ; sets out for the Hague, 180; refuses to go to the Pala- tinate without an army, 181 ; arrives at the Hague, 183 ; persists in opposition to the Emperor after the dissolution of the Union, 192 ; demands a general amnesty, 193 ; appoints Mansfeld to command his troops in Bohemia, 197 ; publication of his secret papers, 204 ; refuses to aban- don Bohemia, 210 ; joins the camp of the Prince of Orange, 211 ; refuses to make submission to the Emperor, 212 ; Spanish proposal for his abdication, and the education of his son at the Emperor's Court, 220 ; returns to the Hague, and promises Sir Edward Villiers that he will submit to the Emperor, 221 ; is re- quired by James to renounce the crown of Bohemia, 299 ; promises to accept these terms, 300 ; want of enthusiasm for, 307 : joins Mansfeld's army, 308 ; hesitates to consent to a truce, 312 : refuses to agree to a truce and seizes the Landgrave of Darmstadt, 313 ; alienates the German princes by his behaviour at Darmstadt, 315 ; is ready to agree to an armistice, 316 ; accompanies Mansfeld to Alsace, 319 ; complains of the state of Mansfeld's army, 323 ; leaves the army for Sedan, 324 ; hopelessness of the cause of, 327 ; proposed abdication of, 329 ; proposal to neutralise Heidelberg as a residence for, 337 ; arrives at the Hague, 402 ; appeals to the Elector of Saxony for aid, 403 ; is deprived by the Emperor of his Electo- rate, 405 ; is asked by James to agree to the sequestration of Frankenthal, 406 ; objects to the sequestration, 407 ; refuses his signature to a treaty bind- ing him not to disturb the peace of the Empire, v. 75 ; impracticability of his military designs, 76 ; fails to ob- tain the support of the two Protestant Electors, or of the States of Lower Saxony, 77 ; accepts a treaty for a sus- pension of arms, 78 ; declares that he will be ready to listen to overtures for his son's marriage after his own restoration, 137 : proposal of Olivares to educate at Vienna the two sons of, 139 ; refuses to accept the Spanish terms, 157 ; urges James to 290 INDEX. FRE support him in war, 158 ; negotiation between Charles and PhiHp on the claims of, vii. 172 ; mocks at Charles's hope of recovering the Palatinate with Spanish aid, 176 ; receives permission from Charles to join Gustavus, 194 ; hopes of restoration given by Gustavus to, 206 ; is proposed by Charles as the military and political successor of Gustavus, 207 ; death of, ib. Frederick Henry, Count, succours Mans- feld's troops at Gertruidenberg, v. 289 ; succeeds his brother as Prince of Orange, 324. See Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange Frederick Henry (Pr/KiTtf of Orange, 1625), receives with coldness Buckingham's proposal for a combined attack on Dun- kirk, vi. 35 ; sends a message to Carleton to order AllejTie to leave the Texel, 188 ; is informed by Charles of his wish to make peace with Spain, 333 ; assumes the offensive against Spain, 374 ; disap- proves of Charles's wish to make peace with Spain, vii. loi ; besieges Hertogen- bosch, 103 ; takes Hertogenbosch and Wesel, and refuses to come to an under- standing with Charles for the recovery of the Palatinate, 170 ; takes Venloo and Roermonde and besieges Maestricht, 209 ; takes Maestricht and urges the Belgian provinces to declare their inde- pendence, 211 ; captures Rhinberg, 346 ; proposes to Richelieu a joint attack on Dunkirk, 366 ; joins the French in an attack on the Spanish Netherlands, 384 : grants toleration to the Arminians, viii. 165 ; receives Mary de Medicis with respect, 379 ; aid expected by Charles from, ix. 244 ; is expected by Charles to send material assistance, 257 ; Charles applies for aid to, x. 149 ; advises Charles to keep clear of war, 163 ; Henrietta Maria proposes to marry the Prince of Wales to the daughter of, 177 ; proposes to offer the mediation of the States be- tween the King and the Parliament, 187 ; withdraws his countenance from the Queen, 203 Freedom of trade. Bill for, i. 188 Free gift, a, demanded by Charles, vi. 123 ; resistance to the payment of, 131 French actors, visit London, vii. 329 Fresh 'Sjiit against Human Ceremonies, The, is written by Dr. Ames, vii. 315 Frias, Duke of. See Constable of Castile Fryer, Sir Thomas, is present at Bucking- ham's murder, v\. 349 Fuentes, Marquis of, refuses to acknow- ledge Charles's fishing licences, viii. 2ig Fuller, Nicholas, is a member of the first Parliament of James I., i. 165; speaks depreciatingly of the Scots, 329 ; speaks against the naturalisation of the Scots, 331 ; defends Ladd and Maunsell, ii. 36 ; attacks the High Commission, 37 ; is imprisoned, 38 ; submits and is released, GEN 40 ; is elected to the Parliament of 1614.. 230 Fundamental laws, the, alleged violation of, viii. 84 Gage, _ Colonel, proposes to induce the Cardinal Infant to lend Spanish troops to Charles, viii. 386 Gage, George, arrives at Rome to obtain the Pope's approval of the marriage treaty, iv. 330 ; brings back the Pope's terms, 350 ; his instructions from a con- gregation of cardinals, 351 ; is sent back to Rome, 372 ; visits Madrid and after- wards returns to Rome, 398 ; returns to England, and is present at a banquet after the oath taken by James to the Spanish marriage treaty, v. 69 Gainsborough, emigration of a Separatist congregation from, iv. 146 ; probable connection between Clifton's congrega- tion and that at, 149 Galway, Wentworth's treatment of the jury of, viii. 62 ; petition of the inhabi- tants of, 64 Gamester, The, Charles suggests the plot of Shirley's play of, vii. 331 Gardiner, Sir Thomas (^Recorder of the City of London), is intended to be the Speaker of the Long Parliament, but fails to obtain a seat, ix. 220 ; speaks angrily of a clause in a petition declar- ing that the Common Council desired the exclusion of the Bishops from the House of Lords, X. 104 ; is impeached, 217 Garnet, }ienry {Pror'incial of the Jesuits in E7igla>id), receives breves from the Pope, i. 98 ; gives Winter an introduc- tion to the King of Spain, og ; Gerard's friendship with, 114 ; is acquainted with the Gunpowder Plot, 243 ; is taken, 271 ; is examined, 272 ; his narrative of his connection with the plot, 273 ; his trial, 277 ; his doctrine of equivocation, 280 ; his execution, 282 ; fable of his straw, ib. See Gunpowder Plot Garway, Henry (Lord Mayor), is threat- ened by the King, ix. 130 ; attempts to distrain for ship-money, 153 Gaston (Duke of Orleans), takes part in the Day of Dupes, and escapes to Lor- raine, vii. 184 ; asks Charles to join Spain and Lorraine against Richelieu, and to lend him English ships, 185 ; prepares to invade France, 198 ; fails to support Montmorency, 213 Gates, Sir Thomas, is Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia, ii. 59 ; arrives in Virginia, 6i ; becomes Governor, 62 Gateshead, is left unfortified, ix. 192 Gazettes, forbidden to print foreign news, vii. 206 Geere, Alderman, imprisonment of, ix. 130; liberation of, 135; is a favourite candidate for the mayoralty, 211 General Assembly. See Assembly. General pardon, offered by the King, and set aside by the Commons, x. i INDEX. 291 GEN General Supplication. See Supplication, the General Genoa, Raleigh proposes an attack on, iii. SO ; proposed attack on, by the Duke of Savoy, V. 265 ; request of the Duke of Savoy to James for men and money to be used against, 301 ; Lesdiguieres pro- poses an attack upon, 302 ; French troops co-operate with the Duke of Savoy in an attack on, 327 ; Lesdiguieres commands the French troops employed against, 391 ; Charles attempts to obtain a loan from, ix. 157 George William, Elector of Brandenburg, offers to Gustavus the leadership of the North German princes, v. 296 Gerard, Father John, informs Cecil of Watson's plot, 1. 114. See Gunpowder Plot Gerbier, Balthasar, accompanies Bucking- ham to Paris, vi. i6i ; is sent to Brussels to propose a suspension of arms, ib. ; re- turns to England to propose a separate peace with Spain, 162 ; is directed to in- form Rubens that England will not treat with Spain apart from the States-General, 163 ; his negotiation with Rubens comes to nothing, 185 ; continues to correspond with Rubens, 331 ; is sent as resident minister to Brussels, vii. 185 ; application of the discontented nobles to, 210 ; re- ceives instructions with regard to the proposed revolution in the Netherlands, 345 : betrays Charles, 346 ; is employed to persuade the Cardinal Infant to acknow- ledge Charles's fishing licences, viii. 219 ; carries on a secret negotiation with the Princess of Pfalzburg, 377 Germany, results of the Reformation im, ii. 88 ; the ecclesiastical reservation in, 8g ; Catholic reaction in, 90; danger of the dissolution of the Empire in, 91 ; op- position of the Union and the League in, 92 ; danger arising from the disputed succession of Cleves and Juliers in, 93 ; Lutheran party in, 273 ; Calvinist party in, 274 ; effect of the Bohemian revolu- tion on, iii. 272 ; James's attempts to mediate in, 280 ; Doncaster's mission to, 300 ; mission of Wotton to, 361 ; mis- sion of Conway and Weston to, ib. ; effect of the battle of Prague upon, iv. 172 ; contrast between France and, 293 ; want of enthusiasm for Frederick in, 307 ; plan adopted by the Spanish Council of State for the settlement of, 329 ; English commissioners appointed to treat for peace in, v. 74 ; James signs a treaty for a suspension of arms in Germany, 75 ; course of the Thirty Years' War in, 166 ; unwillingness of the House of Commons to engage in war in, 104 ; the ecclesiastical territories in the north of, 291 ; position of Christian IV. in, vi. 138 ; defeat of Mansfeld and Christian IV. in, 159 ; end of English military intervention in, 291 ; Pembroke and Dorchester wish Charles to intervene in, 366 ; decline of English GLU sympathy with the Protestants of, 374 ; progress of Wallenstein in, vii. 97 ; issue of the Edict of Restitution in, gS ; peace of Liibeck in, loi ; dismissal of Wallen- stein and landing of Gustavus in, 174 ; Richelieu's diplomacy in, 179 ; defeat of Tilly by Gustavus at Breitenfeld in, 188 : consequences of the battle of Breitenfeld in, 189 ; fresh successes of Gustavus in, 197 ; struggle between Gustavus and Wallenstein in, 205 ; death of Gustavus in, 207 ; growing influence of France in, 209 ; Charles offers to join France in the war in, 216 ; further growth of French influence in, 342 ; increasing strength of the House of Austria in, 353 ; results of the Imperialist victory at Nordlingen in, 372 ; the signature of the Treaty of Prague in, 388 ; Taylor's description of the miserable condition of, viii. 100 ; Arundel's mission to, 158 ; Roe's report of the condition of, i.\. 56 Gertruidenberg, miserable condition of Mansfeld's troops at, v. 289 Gibbons, — (?), alleged malpractices of, vii. 362 ; is fined at Holland's justice-seat at Gloucester, 364 Gifford, Dr., brings a message from the Pope, i. 140 Giles, Sir Edward, wishes Floyd to be pil- loried, iv. 120; complains that a pardon has been granted to a Jesuit, v. 397 Gill, Ale.xander, is prosecuted in the Star Chamber for proposing Felton's health, yi. 355 Giron, Don Fernando, quarrels with Buck- ingham, v. 34 Gladstanes, George (^Archbishop of St. A}idrews, 1605-161,5), appointed Arch- bishop of St. Andrews, i. 305 Glanville, John, produces precedents in Wentworth's election case, v. 351 ; draws up the protestation adopted by Charles's first Parliament, 431 ; is sent to sea as secretary to the Cadiz expedition, vi. 13 ; charges Buckingham with exacting money from the East India Company and lending ships against Rochelle, 100 ; argues before the Lords against the ad- ditional clause proposed in the Petition of Right, vii. 286 ; declares against the ship-money judgment, ix. 114 Glanville, Richard, case in Chancery of, iii. II Glasgow, meeting of the Assembly at, viii. 368 Glass, the monopoljf of, considered by the Commons, 1614, li. 237 ; patents in sup- port of the manufacture of, iv. 8 Gloucester, alteration of the position of the communion-table at, iii. 246 ; Hol- land's justice-seat at, vii. 362 ; Work- man's sermons at, viii. 112 Gloucestershire, resistance to the forced loan in, vi. 155 GliJckstadt, flight of Christian IV. from, vi. 186 ; is defended by the Danes, 290 ; Morgan is sent to aid in the defence of. U 2 292 INDEX. GLY 366 ; Morgan ordered to remain at, 372 ; danger of, vii. 97 Glyn, John, reports that the recusancy laws have not been put in force against priests and Jesuits, i:;. 243 ; argues in support of Vane's evidence, 323 ; offers fresh e\'idence, 327 ; replies to Strafford's general defence, 332 Goad, Dr., criticises the Hisiriomasiix, vii. 328 Goffe, Stephen, uses the Prayer-book as chaplain of Lord Vere's regiment, vii. 316 Gold, fines imposed for the exportation of, iii- 323 Gold and silver thread, patents for the manufacture of, iv. 11 ; inquiry by the Commons into the monopoly of, 47 Gondomar, Count of, tries to throw obsta- cles in the way of the expedition against the pirates, iii. 70 ; favour shown by James to, 105 ; asks for justice on Raleign, 131 ; leaves England, 135 ; attack by a mob on one of the servants of, ib. ; makes a report on English affairs, 283 ; comments on Buckingham's letter, 284 ; prepares to return to Eng- land, 322 ; lands at Dover, 335 ; his first audience, 336 ; replies to Digby's remon- strance, 337 ; answers James's question about the Spanish designs on the Palati- nate, 338 ; proposes the resumption of the marriage treaty, 345 ; complains of James's proceedings, 346 ; his opinion of the Prince, 347 ; advises Philip to go on with the marriage treaty, 348 ; pleads for Lake, 349 ; listens to Buckingham's plan for the partition of the Netherlands, 359 : induces James to believe that Spinola will not attack the Palatinate, 363 : announces that the Palatinate must be conquered, 366 ; asserts that he had never engaged that the Palatinate should not be attacked, 371 ; tries to stop the expedition against Algiers, 375 ; com- plains of Naunton, ib. ; obtains from James an acknowledgment that he had not deluded him about the Palatinate, 376 ; is ordered to amuse James about the marriage treaty, 377 ; is alarmed by threats of assassination, 385 ; advises James to submit to the Pope, iv. 27 ; is allowed to export ordnance, 33 ; com- plains of Ward's caricature, 118; is insulted in the streets, ib. ; complains to the Lord Mayor, 119; accompanies Buckingham in a litter, 226 ; is assured by Ja